Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conference National Technical - CSLI ...

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Laczkó, Tibor 258-273 Control and Complex Event Nominals in Hungarian Lødrup, Helge 274-291 Infinitival Complements and the Form-Function Relation Morimoto, Yukiko 292-314 Prominence Mismatches and Differential Object Marking in Bantu O’Connor, Rob 315-332 Clitics and Phrasal Affixation in Constructive Morphology Ørsnes, Bjarne 333-353 Case Marking and Subject Extraction in Danish Park, Hyun-Ju 354-365 Object Asymmetry in Korean Thomann, Johannes 366-372 LFG as a Pedagogical Grammar Vahoe, Henk 373-389 Aspects of the Syntax of Psychological Verbs in Spanish: A Lexical Functional Analysis Yates, Nicholas 390-407 French Causatives: A Biclausal Account in LFG Zaenen, Annie and Ronald M. Kaplan 408-426 Subsumption and equality: German partial fronting in LFG Zinsmeister, Heike, Jonas Kuhn and Stefanie Dipper 427-447 TIGER Transfer --- Utilizing LFG Parses for Treebank Annotation
The Syntax of Preverbal Particles and Adjunction in Irish Ash Asudeh Stanford University Proceedings of the LFG02 Conference National Technical University of Athens, Athens Miriam Butt and Tracy Holloway King (Editors) 2002 CSLI Publications http://csli-publications.stanford.edu/ 1
Page 1 and 2: Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conferenc
Page 3: Table of Contents Asudeh, Ash 1-18
Page 7 and 8: 2 The Problem: Five Conflicting Cla
Page 9 and 10: (10) CP C ′ XP CP XP The outermos
Page 11 and 12: (18) CP C ′ C ∅ IP CP IP I I
Page 13 and 14: 1-3, unless problematic assumptions
Page 15 and 16: (4c) *After [IP last year [IP she r
Page 17 and 18: The adjunction rule (36) does not b
Page 19 and 20: (8c) chun isteacht duit [CP[CP nuai
Page 21 and 22: work on non-projecting categories a
Page 23 and 24: Coordination and Parallelism in Glu
Page 25 and 26: Traditional Linear Duplication a, a
Page 27 and 28: (8) fred : fe see : fe ⊸ je ⊸ s
Page 29 and 30: us add the following additional con
Page 31 and 32: 3.2 A General Semantic Schema for C
Page 33 and 34: approach also achieves correct resu
Page 35 and 36: In summary, to show that two deriva
Page 37 and 38: Extraction possible from initial (p
Page 39 and 40: 5.3.2 Across-the-Board Extraction T
Page 41 and 42: Asudeh, Ash (in progress). Resumpti
Page 43 and 44: Montague, Richard (1974). Formal ph
Page 45 and 46: Abstract VP-chaining in Oriya (an I
Page 47 and 48: (3) haata dho-i bhaata khaa-i mun s
Page 49 and 50: Figure 4. Schematic representation
Page 51 and 52: the medicine is applied. If overtly
Page 53 and 54: The control equation in (13) establ
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intervening object and thus ‘kept
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Lexicon L(1): khi-aa-ga-laa: V L(2)
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(20) VP -> VP V' α � *α SIT-IND
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CONSTRAINT SYMMETRY IN OPTIMALITY T
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‘Juan hit that dog with a stick
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‘With what did Juan hit the dog?
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The unexpectedly bad candidate is (
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Amharic (Semitic, Ethiopia) is a pr
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31) Wïšša-w bä=Daniel bet atäg
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A functional PP must contain a head
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appear): A less well known example
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appear on the non-recursive side of
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Publications. Smith Stark, Thomas.
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Abstract The development of large c
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subj : spec : det : pred : the head
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could annotate the CFG rules extrac
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strings in the WSJ section of the P
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Annotation coverage is measured in
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Our grammars are extracted from sec
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Penn-II training set is discarded f
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grammatical functions are more akin
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forms to semi-automatically develop
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Predicate Argument Structure. In: P
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Abstract PARTITIVE NOUN PHRASES IN
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possessive partitives in (7) and (8
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Extraction of constituents of dativ
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iológiát [[az egyik-en]NP __ ]NP
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Unlike post-verbal constituent orde
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uncertainty. Adopting this idea, I
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accounts for genitive possessor nou
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(38) Hungarian TOPIC/SCOPE/FOCUS pa
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The rule in (41) shows that the top
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Payne, John and Erika Chisarik. (20
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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GETARUN PARSER Rodolfo Delmonte Abs
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vital aid in the actual development
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levels of representations required
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sentence starts with a verb we let
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adjunct_cp negat pro=CLI, {Case=acc
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4. Parsing Strategies and P
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qualified. The following list of pr
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structure rules, after the head has
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subordinators, and to arguments of
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Hobbs J.R., D.E.Appelt, J.Bear, M.T
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SECTION II: ITALIAN TEXTS o La stor
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Mario criticava luigi perché ha ro
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1. Introduction Since the beginning
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. ⎡FOCUS ⎤ ⎢PRED ‘wonder (
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(12) *ng- oingerang a mlarngii a be
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(17) a. Hine ha- simla še kaniti.
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have resumptive pronouns. Under the
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way to license the same f-structure
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(33) a. Robin met the man that/who
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licensed in the normal way by funct
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description of the situation. Borer
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http://cslipublications.stanford.ed
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A (Discourse) Functional Analysis o
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A multi-factorial LFG analysis of a
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(9) CP (↑ SUBJ)= ↓ ↑=↓ NP C
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Word Order Properties SGF coordinat
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4.1 Asymmetric Analyses Heycock and
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(25) (a) S 〈 der Jäger ging in d
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In sum, the Subject Functor Lineari
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first and second conjunct are disti
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In the Glue Semantics approach (see
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In the optimality-based model, mism
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complementiser (COMPL) may be exten
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BULGARIAN WORD ORDER AND THE ROLE O
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Bulgarian word order and the role o
Page 205 and 206:
Page 207 and 208:
Page 209 and 210:
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Page 213 and 214:
Page 215 and 216:
Page 217 and 218:
Page 219 and 220:
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1 Introduction This paper deals wit
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(4) To nifiko itan raf-to (*apo ton
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That is, in example (6) the partici
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(22) To spiti fenotan egataleli-men
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state denoted by the adjective appe
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in Modern Greek bears the intrinsic
Page 237 and 238:
In addition, the lexical representa
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In this way, we capture the intuiti
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(57) To fagito ine magire-meno/*mag
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Corpus-based Learning in Stochastic
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LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
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1. Introduction In this paper I wil
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This strategy has been outlined by
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The essence of the new approach is
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3.2. Control relations in Hungarian
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complements of the postposition ut
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offered a more detailed discussion,
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lexical form which argument of this
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Berkeley. pp. 18. (On-line publicat
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0. Abstract This paper attempts to
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'understand', oppgi 'state', opplev
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This property of raising to object
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(32) ved/fra å svømme by/from to
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(45) *Til å sove ser han ut to (PR
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(57) Å gjøre det er blitt tenkt p
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Second argument: The preposition do
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In Lødrup (2002), I show that most
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Teleman, Ulf, Staffan Hellberg and
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Abstract Majority of Bantu language
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No Object Agreement Bresnan and Mch
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(7) a. N-ä-ï- `m-lyì-á k-èlyá
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epresent 72% of the total of 312 se
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We can characterize more concretely
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(19) Markedness Subhierarchies a. *
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4.1 Hierarchy of Morphological Feat
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(30) Harmonic Alignment of (28) wit
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topic-anaphoricity (as a bound pron
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the present analysis highlights the
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Grimshaw, Jane. 2001. Economy of st
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CLITICS AND PHRASAL AFFIXATION IN C
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(2) (a) ...wedi eu gweld nhw. ASP C
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(7) IP (↑GF) = ↓ ↑ = ↓ NP I
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(14) (a) Jovan je čitao knjigu. Jo
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The Principle of Morphological Comp
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3.2 Serbian Pronominal Clitics A se
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Example (35) has the c-structure in
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(43) (a) čovek-: N (↑PRED) = ‘
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(52) (a) jučer: N (ADJ↑) (↑PRE
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Case Marking and Subject Extraction
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objects occur in VP or in I (“obj
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Coordinated structures (14) Peter o
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(20) Han hadde de trodd e ville kom
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(28) a. * Peter forventer [I’ [I
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One disadvantage of this approach i
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6.2 Case Assignment and Empty Categ
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Lets us consider the binding condit
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claims that subject extraction is n
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ham: N ( (SUBJ £ ) ¡ ((COMP SUBJ
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[Vikner and Schwartz, 1996] Vikner,
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. Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-lul mek-I-
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In (4a), the object of the simple d
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3. Morphological Causatives in Kore
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. Mary-ka ttal-pakkey sakwa-ul an m
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Firstly, objects in MC are asymmetr
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The asymmetries of double accusativ
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Abstract The paper describes a pres
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construction - in good style. • I
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Figure 4: Attributed adjectives (
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Aspects of the syntax of psychologi
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Despite the syntactic differences e
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e. (exists independently of the eve
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(10) Poco a poco, me enfadó que pe
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to (3), we can thematically charact
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we can derive the grammatical funct
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‘This book interests him (John).
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unaccusative verb, while interesar
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Roegiest, E. (1999). Objet direct p
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Abstract The aim of this paper is t
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(6) Pierre lui a fait écrire une l
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dative NPs that the examples (4) to
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verb. In some languages, like Engli
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(15) *J’ai convaincu de lui tél
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VP � V + V + (NP) + (PP) (��
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a number of signs (words or phrases
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��
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DAVIS, A. & P.-J. KOENIG (2000) Lin
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1. Introduction Subsumption and Equ
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an XCOMP attribute whose value is t
Page 417 and 418:
(8) a. S|VP Æ NP* (V’) ( S|VP )
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inconsistency with erzählen. But i
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We revise the fronted S|VP expansio
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5. The interaction between PVPF and
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(28) Ein Aussenseiter versuchte hie
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. * Ein Aussenseiter gewonnen haben
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The use of subsumption addresses fu
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TIGER TRANSFER Utilizing LFG Parses
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is an additional way of ensuring co
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"tiger_4548: Hier herrscht Demokrat
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y a multi-set of OT marks, thereby
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sumably they cannot be fixed in pri
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¢¡¤£¦¥¦§©¨�£¦§�¥
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Macros and Templates The system all
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Ambiguous Predicates A simple examp
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HD−OUT TI−FORM herrscht, TI−M
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(ignoring PP-attachment for the eva
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Kameyama, Megumi, Ryo Ochitani, and
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