Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conference National Technical - CSLI ...

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(12) CP (↑ OBL)= ↓ C’ PP ↓∈↑ ↓∈↑ in den Wald C’ Conj C’ V VP und V VP ging (↑ SUBJ)= ↓ fing (↑ OBJ)= ↓ PP NP der Jäger einen Hasen ⎡ ⎧⎡ ⎢ ⎢ ⎢ ⎢ ⎢ ⎢ ⎢ ⎣ ⎢ ⎢⎪⎨ ⎢ ⎡ ⎢ ⎢ ⎢ ⎢ ⎣ ⎪⎩ ⎣ CONJ = ‘UND ′ PRED = ‘GEHEN〈( ↑ SUBJ)( ↑ OBL)〉 ′ SUBJ � ′ PRED = ‘IN〈( ↑ OBJ)〉 OBL PRED = ‘FANGEN〈(↑ SUBJ)(↑ OBJ)〉 ′ OBL OBJ ⎤ ⎤ ⎫ ⎥ � � ⎥ ⎥ PRED = ⎥ ‘JÄGER’ ⎥ ⎥ � ⎥ ⎥ ⎦ ⎥ � � OBJ PRED = ⎪⎬ ⎥ ‘WALD’ ⎥ ⎤ ⎥ � � ⎥ ⎥ ⎥ ⎥ ⎥ � � ⎦ ⎦ ⎪⎭ PRED = ‘HASE’ If we analyse SGF coordination as involving symmetric CP coordination as in (13), we avoid illicit distribution of the topicalised phrase into the second conjunct, but still encounter the problem of a conjunct internal subject that cannot distributed – the notorious “subject gap” problem. (13) CP ↓∈↑ ↓∈↑ CP Conj CP (↑ OBL)= ↓ C’ und C’ PP C VP C VP in den Wald ging (↑ SUBJ)=↓ fing (↑ OBJ)=↓ NP NP der Jäger einen Hasen 3.2 Syntactic Properties of Asymmetric Coordination ⎡ ⎧⎡ ⎢ ⎢ ⎢ ⎢ ⎢ ⎢ ⎢⎪⎨ ⎣ ⎢ ⎣ ⎪⎩ CONJ = ‘UND ′ PRED = ‘GEHEN〈( ↑ SUBJ)( ↑ OBL)〉 ′ SUBJ � ′ PRED = ‘IN〈( ↑ OBJ)〉 OBL � � PRED = ‘JÄGER’ � � � PRED = ‘WALD’ OBJ � PRED = ‘FANGEN〈(↑ SUBJ)(↑ OBJ)〉 ′ � � OBJ PRED = ‘HASE’ ⎤ ⎤ ⎫ ⎥ ⎥ ⎥ ⎥ ⎥ ⎥ ⎥ ⎦ ⎪⎬ ⎥ � ⎥ ⎦ ⎪⎭ Having illustrated the problems we encounter when applying established principles of regular constituent coordination to SGF coordination constructions, we now review the major syntactic (and semantic) characteristics of SGF coordinations (see Kathol 1999, for concise overview). We can distinguish three types of basic syntactic (and semantic) properties that need to be accounted for by any successful analysis of SGF coordination. Number and Type of Gaps Example (14) illustrates that SGF coordination does not license additional gaps in the right conjunct(s), besides the characteristic subject gap. (14) * Einen Wagenj kaufte Hansi und meldete ei ej an. A carj bought Hansi and registered ei ej ’A car bought Hans and registered’ Only subjects can be “gapped” in asymmetric coordination constructions. Equivalent examples with a non-subject (here: object) gap are ungrammatical. (15) * Gestern kaufte Hans den Wageni und meldete sein Sohn ei an. Yesterday bought Hans the cari and registered his son ei ‘Yesterday Hans bought the car and his son registered’ 180
Word Order Properties SGF coordination shows a peculiar word order restriction, preventing the structural specifier position of CP in the right conjunct to be overtly realised: whereas (16.a) with a topicalised object in SpecCP is a perfectly grammatical sentence in German, the specifier position cannot be occupied in (16.b). Only the serialisation in (16.c) is acceptable. 6 (16) a. Einen Hasen fing der Jäger. A rabbit caught the hunter ‘A rabbit, the hunter caught’ b. * In den Wald ging der Jäger und einen Hasen fing. Into the forest went the hunter and a rabbit caught ‘Into the forest went the hunter and a rabbit caught’ c. In den Wald ging der Jäger und fing einen Hasen. Into the forest went the hunter and caught a rabbit ‘Into the forest went the hunter and caught a rabbit’ Quantifier Scope As observed by Büring and Hartmann (1998) and Kathol (1999), the same interpretation is obtained for (17.a) and (17.b), irrespective of the position of the quantified subject: in both examples the quantified subject takes scope over both conjuncts: the interpretation is that for almost no one it is the case that he or she both buys a car and takes the bus. This is surprising for the SGF construction (17.b), as the quantified subject die wenigsten Leute occupies the middlefield position within the first conjunct, from where it does not structurally outscope the second conjunct. (17.c), on the other hand, is problematic for analyses that assume an empty PRO subject in SGF constructions: (17.c) with an overt (repeated) quantified subject only allows for a narrow scope reading, where almost no one buys a car and almost no one takes the bus – that is, almost no one seems to need transportation. (17) a. Die wenigsten Leute kaufen ein Auto und fahren mit dem Bus. Almost no one buys a car and takes the bus Almost no one buys a car and takes the bus. b. Daher kaufen die wenigsten Leute ein Auto und fahren mit dem Bus. Therefore buys almost no one a car and takes the bus Therefore almost no one buys a car and takes the bus. c. Daher kaufen die wenigsten Leute ein Auto und fahren die wenigsten Leute mit dem Bus. Therefore buys almost no one a car and takes almost no one the bus Therefore almost no one buys a car and almost no one takes the bus. 6 Note that (16.b) is intended as a verb-fronted structure, not a verb-final construction. This is more evident in examples involving separable verb prefixes: (i) * Gestern kaufte Fritz ein Auto und eine Ampel fuhr um. Yesterday bought Fritz a car and a red light ran down ‘Yesterday, Fritz bought a car and a red light ran down’ (ii) Gestern kaufte Fritz ein Auto und fuhr eine Ampel um. Yesterday bought Fritz a car and ran a red light down ‘Yesterday, Fritz bought a car and ran down a red light’ 181
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Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conferenc
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Table of Contents Asudeh, Ash 1-18
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The Syntax of Preverbal Particles a
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2 The Problem: Five Conflicting Cla
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(10) CP C ′ XP CP XP The outermos
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(18) CP C ′ C ∅ IP CP IP I I
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1-3, unless problematic assumptions
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(4c) *After [IP last year [IP she r
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The adjunction rule (36) does not b
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(8c) chun isteacht duit [CP[CP nuai
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work on non-projecting categories a
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Coordination and Parallelism in Glu
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Traditional Linear Duplication a, a
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(8) fred : fe see : fe ⊸ je ⊸ s
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us add the following additional con
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3.2 A General Semantic Schema for C
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approach also achieves correct resu
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In summary, to show that two deriva
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Extraction possible from initial (p
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5.3.2 Across-the-Board Extraction T
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Asudeh, Ash (in progress). Resumpti
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Montague, Richard (1974). Formal ph
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Abstract VP-chaining in Oriya (an I
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(3) haata dho-i bhaata khaa-i mun s
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Figure 4. Schematic representation
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the medicine is applied. If overtly
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The control equation in (13) establ
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intervening object and thus ‘kept
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Lexicon L(1): khi-aa-ga-laa: V L(2)
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(20) VP -> VP V' α � *α SIT-IND
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CONSTRAINT SYMMETRY IN OPTIMALITY T
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‘Juan hit that dog with a stick
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‘With what did Juan hit the dog?
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The unexpectedly bad candidate is (
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Amharic (Semitic, Ethiopia) is a pr
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31) Wïšša-w bä=Daniel bet atäg
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A functional PP must contain a head
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appear): A less well known example
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appear on the non-recursive side of
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Publications. Smith Stark, Thomas.
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Abstract The development of large c
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subj : spec : det : pred : the head
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could annotate the CFG rules extrac
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strings in the WSJ section of the P
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Annotation coverage is measured in
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Our grammars are extracted from sec
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Penn-II training set is discarded f
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grammatical functions are more akin
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forms to semi-automatically develop
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Predicate Argument Structure. In: P
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Abstract PARTITIVE NOUN PHRASES IN
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possessive partitives in (7) and (8
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Extraction of constituents of dativ
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iológiát [[az egyik-en]NP __ ]NP
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Unlike post-verbal constituent orde
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uncertainty. Adopting this idea, I
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accounts for genitive possessor nou
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(38) Hungarian TOPIC/SCOPE/FOCUS pa
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The rule in (41) shows that the top
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Payne, John and Erika Chisarik. (20
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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Page 135 and 136: GETARUN PARSER Rodolfo Delmonte Abs
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Page 139 and 140: levels of representations required
Page 141 and 142: sentence starts with a verb we let
Page 143 and 144: adjunct_cp negat pro=CLI, {Case=acc
Page 145 and 146: 4. Parsing Strategies and P
Page 147 and 148: qualified. The following list of pr
Page 149 and 150: structure rules, after the head has
Page 151 and 152: subordinators, and to arguments of
Page 153 and 154: Hobbs J.R., D.E.Appelt, J.Bear, M.T
Page 155 and 156: SECTION II: ITALIAN TEXTS o La stor
Page 157 and 158: Mario criticava luigi perché ha ro
Page 159 and 160: 1. Introduction Since the beginning
Page 161 and 162: . ⎡FOCUS ⎤ ⎢PRED ‘wonder (
Page 163 and 164: (12) *ng- oingerang a mlarngii a be
Page 165 and 166: (17) a. Hine ha- simla še kaniti.
Page 167 and 168: have resumptive pronouns. Under the
Page 169 and 170: way to license the same f-structure
Page 171 and 172: (33) a. Robin met the man that/who
Page 173 and 174: licensed in the normal way by funct
Page 175 and 176: description of the situation. Borer
Page 177 and 178: http://cslipublications.stanford.ed
Page 179 and 180: A (Discourse) Functional Analysis o
Page 181 and 182: A multi-factorial LFG analysis of a
Page 183: (9) CP (↑ SUBJ)= ↓ ↑=↓ NP C
Page 187 and 188: 4.1 Asymmetric Analyses Heycock and
Page 189 and 190: (25) (a) S 〈 der Jäger ging in d
Page 191 and 192: In sum, the Subject Functor Lineari
Page 193 and 194: first and second conjunct are disti
Page 195 and 196: In the Glue Semantics approach (see
Page 197 and 198: In the optimality-based model, mism
Page 199 and 200: complementiser (COMPL) may be exten
Page 201 and 202: BULGARIAN WORD ORDER AND THE ROLE O
Page 203 and 204: Bulgarian word order and the role o
Page 225 and 226: 1 Introduction This paper deals wit
Page 227 and 228: (4) To nifiko itan raf-to (*apo ton
Page 229 and 230: That is, in example (6) the partici
Page 231 and 232: (22) To spiti fenotan egataleli-men
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in Modern Greek bears the intrinsic
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In addition, the lexical representa
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In this way, we capture the intuiti
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(57) To fagito ine magire-meno/*mag
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Corpus-based Learning in Stochastic
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LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
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1. Introduction In this paper I wil
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This strategy has been outlined by
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The essence of the new approach is
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3.2. Control relations in Hungarian
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complements of the postposition ut
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offered a more detailed discussion,
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lexical form which argument of this
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Berkeley. pp. 18. (On-line publicat
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0. Abstract This paper attempts to
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'understand', oppgi 'state', opplev
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This property of raising to object
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(32) ved/fra å svømme by/from to
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(45) *Til å sove ser han ut to (PR
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(57) Å gjøre det er blitt tenkt p
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Second argument: The preposition do
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In Lødrup (2002), I show that most
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Teleman, Ulf, Staffan Hellberg and
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Abstract Majority of Bantu language
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No Object Agreement Bresnan and Mch
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(7) a. N-ä-ï- `m-lyì-á k-èlyá
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epresent 72% of the total of 312 se
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We can characterize more concretely
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(19) Markedness Subhierarchies a. *
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4.1 Hierarchy of Morphological Feat
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(30) Harmonic Alignment of (28) wit
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topic-anaphoricity (as a bound pron
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the present analysis highlights the
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Grimshaw, Jane. 2001. Economy of st
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CLITICS AND PHRASAL AFFIXATION IN C
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(2) (a) ...wedi eu gweld nhw. ASP C
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(7) IP (↑GF) = ↓ ↑ = ↓ NP I
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(14) (a) Jovan je čitao knjigu. Jo
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The Principle of Morphological Comp
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3.2 Serbian Pronominal Clitics A se
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Example (35) has the c-structure in
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(43) (a) čovek-: N (↑PRED) = ‘
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(52) (a) jučer: N (ADJ↑) (↑PRE
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Case Marking and Subject Extraction
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objects occur in VP or in I (“obj
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Coordinated structures (14) Peter o
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(20) Han hadde de trodd e ville kom
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(28) a. * Peter forventer [I’ [I
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One disadvantage of this approach i
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6.2 Case Assignment and Empty Categ
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Lets us consider the binding condit
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claims that subject extraction is n
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ham: N ( (SUBJ £ ) ¡ ((COMP SUBJ
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[Vikner and Schwartz, 1996] Vikner,
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. Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-lul mek-I-
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In (4a), the object of the simple d
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3. Morphological Causatives in Kore
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. Mary-ka ttal-pakkey sakwa-ul an m
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Firstly, objects in MC are asymmetr
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The asymmetries of double accusativ
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Abstract The paper describes a pres
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construction - in good style. • I
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Figure 4: Attributed adjectives (
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Aspects of the syntax of psychologi
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Despite the syntactic differences e
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e. (exists independently of the eve
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(10) Poco a poco, me enfadó que pe
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to (3), we can thematically charact
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we can derive the grammatical funct
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‘This book interests him (John).
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unaccusative verb, while interesar
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Roegiest, E. (1999). Objet direct p
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Abstract The aim of this paper is t
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(6) Pierre lui a fait écrire une l
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dative NPs that the examples (4) to
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verb. In some languages, like Engli
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(15) *J’ai convaincu de lui tél
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VP � V + V + (NP) + (PP) (��
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a number of signs (words or phrases
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��
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DAVIS, A. & P.-J. KOENIG (2000) Lin
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1. Introduction Subsumption and Equ
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an XCOMP attribute whose value is t
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(8) a. S|VP Æ NP* (V’) ( S|VP )
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inconsistency with erzählen. But i
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We revise the fronted S|VP expansio
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5. The interaction between PVPF and
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(28) Ein Aussenseiter versuchte hie
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. * Ein Aussenseiter gewonnen haben
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The use of subsumption addresses fu
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TIGER TRANSFER Utilizing LFG Parses
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is an additional way of ensuring co
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"tiger_4548: Hier herrscht Demokrat
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y a multi-set of OT marks, thereby
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sumably they cannot be fixed in pri
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¢¡¤£¦¥¦§©¨�£¦§�¥
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Macros and Templates The system all
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Ambiguous Predicates A simple examp
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HD−OUT TI−FORM herrscht, TI−M
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(ignoring PP-attachment for the eva
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Kameyama, Megumi, Ryo Ochitani, and
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