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(10) (a) Jovan mi ih je dao. Jovan IO.1.SG DO.3.PL AUX.3.SG.PRES give.PASTP.M.SG ‘Jovan gave them to me.’ (b) *Jovan je mi ih dao. (c) *Jovan mi je ih dao. (d) *Jovan ih mi je dao. Secondly, as indicated in (8), when auxiliary je occurs in a clitic cluster, it is constrained to follow the pronominal clitics. By contast all other auxiliary clitics have to precede the pronominals. Example (11) demonstrates this idiosyncratic behaviour of auxiliary je. (11) (a) Dala mu je knjigu. give.PPT.F.SG IO.3.SG.M AUX.3.SG.PRES book ‘She gave him a book.’ (b) Dala sam/si mu knjigu. give.PPT.F.SG AUX.1.SG/2.SG.PRES IO.3.SG.M book ‘I/you.SG/we/you.PL/they gave him a book.’ Thirdly, the feminine singular direct object clitic, je, has a morphophonological alternation, appearing as ju, when followed by auxiliary je, as shown in (12). (12) U Beogradu ju/*je je Marija kupila In Beograd DO.3.SG.F AUX.3.SG.PRES Marija buy. PPT.F.SG ‘Marija bought it in Beograd.’ Such behaviour – rigid ordering of elements; idiosyncratic ordering of a specific element; morphophonological alternation of a specific element when juxtaposed with some other element – is more reminiscent of affixal morphology than of syntactically independent elements. This suggests that treating Serbian clitics as phrasal affixes may be more appropriate than treating them as syntactic terminals. In syntactic terms Serbian clitics precede and follow such a variety of elements that no syntactically consistent pattern of placement is apparent. The clitics must occur in a fixed order in second position in the clause, as in (13a) (alternatively, attached to an initial prosodic element of some kind – O’Connor (2002) discusses attachment to both an initial prosodic word and an initial phonological phrase). It is impossible for the clitics to occur in any other position (13b, c). (13) (a) Marija mu je da. Marija IO.3.SG.M DO.3.SG.F give.3.SG.PRES ‘Marija is giving it to him.’ (b) *Mu je Marija da. (c) *Marija da mu je. While clitics are subject to strict placement and ordering, non-clitic elements can be relatively freely ordered resulting in various discourse effects. In (14a), with ‘neutral’ word order, the clitic follows the subject and precedes the verb. In (14b), a word order which places some degree of emphasis on knjigu, the clitic is no longer adjacent to the verb. This is also true in (14c), with even greater emphasis on knjigu while, in addition, the clitic precedes the subject. 320
(14) (a) Jovan je čitao knjigu. Jovan AUX.3.SG.PRES read.PPT.M.SG book ‘Jovan read the book.’ (b) Jovan je knjigu čitao (c) Knjigu je Jovan čitao. Whether a clause is CP or IP, clitics are nevertheless restricted to second position. Example (15a) follows the same pattern as (14a), but in (15b) the clitic is again separated from the verb by the subject, and precedes that subject. (15) (a) Marija je kupila knjigu. Marija AUX.3.SG.PRES buy. PPT.F.SG book ‘Marija bought a book.’ (b) Šta je Marija kupila? what AUX.3.SG.PRES Marija buy. PPT.F.SG ‘What did Marija buy?’ Clitics also follow fronted adverbial material, as in (12), repeated as (16), and which resembles the pattern in (14c). (16) U Beogradu ju je Marija kupila In Beograd DO.3.SG.F AUX.3.SG.PRES Marija buy. PPT.F.SG ‘Marija bought it in Beograd.’ There is also an alternation in clitic placement when the initial syntactic constituent is an NP with adjectival premodification. The clitic either follows the whole NP, as in (17a), or the first modifier, as in (17b). (17) (a) Mladi čovek je čitao knjigu. young man AUX.3.SG.PRES read.PPT.M.SG book (b) Mladi je čovek čitao knjigu. young AUX.3.SG.PRES man read.PPT.M.SG book ‘The young man read a book.’ Examples (13)-(17) indicate that, if Serbian clitics are to be considered syntactically transparent, then they can occupy a great variety of positions which, in terms of the c-structure in (7), can be summarised as in (18). However, there is no consistent characteristic linking either the varied positions supposedly occupied by the clitics or the adjacent constituents with which they supposedly form some syntactic relationship. (18) Position Follows Precedes Examples Between SPECIP and V 0 Subject Main verb (14a), (15a), (17a) Between SPECIP and I 0 Subject Main verb (13a) Between upper and lower SPECIP Subject Object (14b) Between upper and lower SPECIP Fronted object/ Subject (14c)/(16) adverbial Between CP and SPECIP WH-element Subject (15b) Between AP/DP and N 0 (in SPECIP) Premodifier N 0 head (17b) 321
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Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conferenc
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Table of Contents Asudeh, Ash 1-18
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The Syntax of Preverbal Particles a
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2 The Problem: Five Conflicting Cla
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(10) CP C ′ XP CP XP The outermos
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(18) CP C ′ C ∅ IP CP IP I I
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1-3, unless problematic assumptions
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(4c) *After [IP last year [IP she r
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The adjunction rule (36) does not b
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(8c) chun isteacht duit [CP[CP nuai
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work on non-projecting categories a
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Coordination and Parallelism in Glu
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Traditional Linear Duplication a, a
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(8) fred : fe see : fe ⊸ je ⊸ s
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us add the following additional con
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3.2 A General Semantic Schema for C
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approach also achieves correct resu
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In summary, to show that two deriva
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Extraction possible from initial (p
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5.3.2 Across-the-Board Extraction T
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Asudeh, Ash (in progress). Resumpti
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Montague, Richard (1974). Formal ph
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Abstract VP-chaining in Oriya (an I
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(3) haata dho-i bhaata khaa-i mun s
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Figure 4. Schematic representation
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the medicine is applied. If overtly
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The control equation in (13) establ
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intervening object and thus ‘kept
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Lexicon L(1): khi-aa-ga-laa: V L(2)
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(20) VP -> VP V' α � *α SIT-IND
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CONSTRAINT SYMMETRY IN OPTIMALITY T
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‘Juan hit that dog with a stick
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‘With what did Juan hit the dog?
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The unexpectedly bad candidate is (
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Amharic (Semitic, Ethiopia) is a pr
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31) Wïšša-w bä=Daniel bet atäg
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A functional PP must contain a head
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appear): A less well known example
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appear on the non-recursive side of
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Publications. Smith Stark, Thomas.
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Abstract The development of large c
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subj : spec : det : pred : the head
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could annotate the CFG rules extrac
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strings in the WSJ section of the P
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Annotation coverage is measured in
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Our grammars are extracted from sec
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Penn-II training set is discarded f
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grammatical functions are more akin
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forms to semi-automatically develop
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Predicate Argument Structure. In: P
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Abstract PARTITIVE NOUN PHRASES IN
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possessive partitives in (7) and (8
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Extraction of constituents of dativ
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iológiát [[az egyik-en]NP __ ]NP
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Unlike post-verbal constituent orde
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uncertainty. Adopting this idea, I
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accounts for genitive possessor nou
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(38) Hungarian TOPIC/SCOPE/FOCUS pa
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The rule in (41) shows that the top
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Payne, John and Erika Chisarik. (20
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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GETARUN PARSER Rodolfo Delmonte Abs
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vital aid in the actual development
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levels of representations required
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sentence starts with a verb we let
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adjunct_cp negat pro=CLI, {Case=acc
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4. Parsing Strategies and P
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qualified. The following list of pr
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structure rules, after the head has
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subordinators, and to arguments of
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Hobbs J.R., D.E.Appelt, J.Bear, M.T
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SECTION II: ITALIAN TEXTS o La stor
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Mario criticava luigi perché ha ro
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1. Introduction Since the beginning
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. ⎡FOCUS ⎤ ⎢PRED ‘wonder (
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(12) *ng- oingerang a mlarngii a be
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(17) a. Hine ha- simla še kaniti.
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have resumptive pronouns. Under the
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way to license the same f-structure
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(33) a. Robin met the man that/who
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licensed in the normal way by funct
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description of the situation. Borer
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http://cslipublications.stanford.ed
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A (Discourse) Functional Analysis o
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A multi-factorial LFG analysis of a
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(9) CP (↑ SUBJ)= ↓ ↑=↓ NP C
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Word Order Properties SGF coordinat
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4.1 Asymmetric Analyses Heycock and
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(25) (a) S 〈 der Jäger ging in d
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In sum, the Subject Functor Lineari
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first and second conjunct are disti
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In the Glue Semantics approach (see
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In the optimality-based model, mism
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complementiser (COMPL) may be exten
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BULGARIAN WORD ORDER AND THE ROLE O
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Bulgarian word order and the role o
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1 Introduction This paper deals wit
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(4) To nifiko itan raf-to (*apo ton
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That is, in example (6) the partici
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(22) To spiti fenotan egataleli-men
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state denoted by the adjective appe
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in Modern Greek bears the intrinsic
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In addition, the lexical representa
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In this way, we capture the intuiti
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(57) To fagito ine magire-meno/*mag
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Corpus-based Learning in Stochastic
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LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
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1. Introduction In this paper I wil
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This strategy has been outlined by
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The essence of the new approach is
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3.2. Control relations in Hungarian
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complements of the postposition ut
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Page 275 and 276: lexical form which argument of this
Page 277 and 278: Berkeley. pp. 18. (On-line publicat
Page 279 and 280: 0. Abstract This paper attempts to
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Page 283 and 284: This property of raising to object
Page 285 and 286: (32) ved/fra å svømme by/from to
Page 287 and 288: (45) *Til å sove ser han ut to (PR
Page 289 and 290: (57) Å gjøre det er blitt tenkt p
Page 291 and 292: Second argument: The preposition do
Page 293 and 294: In Lødrup (2002), I show that most
Page 295 and 296: Teleman, Ulf, Staffan Hellberg and
Page 297 and 298: Abstract Majority of Bantu language
Page 299 and 300: No Object Agreement Bresnan and Mch
Page 301 and 302: (7) a. N-ä-ï- `m-lyì-á k-èlyá
Page 303 and 304: epresent 72% of the total of 312 se
Page 305 and 306: We can characterize more concretely
Page 307 and 308: (19) Markedness Subhierarchies a. *
Page 309 and 310: 4.1 Hierarchy of Morphological Feat
Page 311 and 312: (30) Harmonic Alignment of (28) wit
Page 313 and 314: topic-anaphoricity (as a bound pron
Page 315 and 316: the present analysis highlights the
Page 317 and 318: Grimshaw, Jane. 2001. Economy of st
Page 319 and 320: CLITICS AND PHRASAL AFFIXATION IN C
Page 321 and 322: (2) (a) ...wedi eu gweld nhw. ASP C
Page 323: (7) IP (↑GF) = ↓ ↑ = ↓ NP I
Page 327 and 328: The Principle of Morphological Comp
Page 329 and 330: 3.2 Serbian Pronominal Clitics A se
Page 331 and 332: Example (35) has the c-structure in
Page 333 and 334: (43) (a) čovek-: N (↑PRED) = ‘
Page 335 and 336: (52) (a) jučer: N (ADJ↑) (↑PRE
Page 337 and 338: Case Marking and Subject Extraction
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Page 341 and 342: Coordinated structures (14) Peter o
Page 343 and 344: (20) Han hadde de trodd e ville kom
Page 345 and 346: (28) a. * Peter forventer [I’ [I
Page 347 and 348: One disadvantage of this approach i
Page 349 and 350: 6.2 Case Assignment and Empty Categ
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Page 353 and 354: claims that subject extraction is n
Page 355 and 356: ham: N ( (SUBJ £ ) ¡ ((COMP SUBJ
Page 357 and 358: [Vikner and Schwartz, 1996] Vikner,
Page 359 and 360: . Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-lul mek-I-
Page 361 and 362: In (4a), the object of the simple d
Page 363 and 364: 3. Morphological Causatives in Kore
Page 365 and 366: . Mary-ka ttal-pakkey sakwa-ul an m
Page 367 and 368: Firstly, objects in MC are asymmetr
Page 369 and 370: The asymmetries of double accusativ
Page 371 and 372: Abstract The paper describes a pres
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Figure 4: Attributed adjectives (
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Aspects of the syntax of psychologi
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Despite the syntactic differences e
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e. (exists independently of the eve
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(10) Poco a poco, me enfadó que pe
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to (3), we can thematically charact
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we can derive the grammatical funct
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‘This book interests him (John).
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unaccusative verb, while interesar
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Roegiest, E. (1999). Objet direct p
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Abstract The aim of this paper is t
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(6) Pierre lui a fait écrire une l
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dative NPs that the examples (4) to
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verb. In some languages, like Engli
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(15) *J’ai convaincu de lui tél
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VP � V + V + (NP) + (PP) (��
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a number of signs (words or phrases
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��
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DAVIS, A. & P.-J. KOENIG (2000) Lin
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1. Introduction Subsumption and Equ
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an XCOMP attribute whose value is t
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(8) a. S|VP Æ NP* (V’) ( S|VP )
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inconsistency with erzählen. But i
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We revise the fronted S|VP expansio
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5. The interaction between PVPF and
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(28) Ein Aussenseiter versuchte hie
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. * Ein Aussenseiter gewonnen haben
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The use of subsumption addresses fu
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TIGER TRANSFER Utilizing LFG Parses
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is an additional way of ensuring co
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"tiger_4548: Hier herrscht Demokrat
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y a multi-set of OT marks, thereby
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sumably they cannot be fixed in pri
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¢¡¤£¦¥¦§©¨�£¦§�¥
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Macros and Templates The system all
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Ambiguous Predicates A simple examp
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HD−OUT TI−FORM herrscht, TI−M
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(ignoring PP-attachment for the eva
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Kameyama, Megumi, Ryo Ochitani, and
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