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marking languages, and hence these phenomena deserve a unified account; (ii) we observe considerable variation in the presence/absence of object marking both across and within Bantu languages; (iii) the (optional) presence of OM preferentially induces definite reading of the object NP. The generalization about the cross-linguistic variation and optionality in (ii) and the apparent definiteness effect noted in (iii) above can together be better understood if these relevant data are viewed from a diachronic perspective, as also suggested by Nicolle (2000). In the next section I briefly consider the source of variability and definiteness reading of optional object marking. 3 Characterizing DOM in Head-Marking Languages Having presented the core facts in DOM across the Bantu family and descriptive generalizations about conditioning factors, I now turn to the relevant theoretical notions that allow us to provide a coherent analysis of these facts. First I consider the above data from a historical perspective in an attempt to better understand the nature of optionality and definiteness effects. I will then discuss the concept of ‘iconicity’ and ‘economy’ that figure importantly in Aissen’s analysis. 3.1 From Topic-Anaphoricity to Agreement: the Source of Variability According to typologists, agreement systems evolve from a topic construction, in which a full (morphologically unreduced) pronoun is used to refer to the topic NP anaphorically. The anaphoric pronoun is then reduced to a clitic-like element and then to a morphologically dependent affix, with the subsequent loss of the pronominal content to a mere agreement marker (cf. Givón 1979). Givón (1979) refers to the process whereby the topic anaphoric pronoun develops into grammatical agreement as ‘de-marking’. The process of de-marking in which the subject pronouns in topic-shift (TS) constructions are reanalyzed as obligatory subject agreement markers is schematized in (13) (Givón, p.155). Givón notes that this reanalysis process is widely attested in French and non-standard dialects of English, as well as pidgins and creoles derived from the vocabulary of either French or English. (13) Topic agreement Subject agreement The man,hecame The man he came TOP PRO SUBJ AGR Givón further proposes that the development of object agreement follows essentially the same process, as schematized in (14). He notes that in SVO languages, an after-thought (AT) construction may have played a role as an extra step in the development of topic anaphoric pronouns to object agreement. (14) Topic Shift (“marked”) Afterthought (“semi-marked”) Neutral (“demarked”) the man,Isawhim � Isawhim,theman � I saw-him the man TOP PRO PRO TOP AGR As noted at the beginning of section 2, Bresnan and Mchombo (1987) argue that the Chiche ˆwa object marker is unambiguously topic-anaphoric, while the subject marker is ambiguous between being topicanaphoric and grammatical agreement. Following Givón’s proposal, they suggest that Bantu subject agreement has followed the same path as that shown in (13), and that the same seems to be happening for object markers in some Bantu languages (in particular with respect to Swahili data they cite). 300
We can characterize more concretely the changes in the morphosyntactic properties of the OM using f-structure representation. The f-structure in (15) represents the situation in which the bound pronominal on the verb is topic-anaphoric to the dislocated topic object; the grammaticized discourse function TOPIC (f ) anaphorically bounds the OBJ function (f ). (15) OM = topic-anaphoric pronoun VP OM �-V ... NP � (f OBJ) =f (f TOP) =f (f OBJ NUM)=« (f OBJ GEND) =¬ f � � � � � � � TOP f OBJ f � � � � � PRED ‘...’ � � � � PRED ‘pro�’ � �� NUM « �� GEND ¬ The f-structure in (16) reflects the situation in which the bound pronominal on the verb has lost the pronominal content and functions as grammatical agreement (16): it contributes morphosyntactic information such as number and gender, which unifies with the information contributed by the VPinternal object NP. (16) OM = grammatical agreement VP OM �-V NP � (f OBJ NUM)=« (f OBJ) =f (f OBJ GEND) =¬ (f OBJ NUM) =« (f OBJ GEND) =¬ f � � � OBJ f � � � PRED ‘...’ NUM « GEND ¬ The structure in (17) represents the morphosyntactic information contributed by the object NP internal to VP. Note that the f-structure representation corresponding to the VP with object agreement (16) and the one without object agreement (17) are identical. That is, object agreement in (16) only provides redundant number and gender information that the object NP contributes to its f-structure. This naturally leads to the loss of the agreement marker that contributes the redundant information. (17) non-topical object (without the OM) VP V NP � (f OBJ) =f (f OBJ NUM) =« (f OBJ GEND) =¬ f � � � OBJ f � � � PRED ‘...’ NUM « GEND ¬ If we accept the process of historical change described by Givón and take the representations shown in (15)–(17) to be different stages in the historical process, it is rather easy to see how the definiteness reading is induced by the optional presence of an OM: historically, the OM was used only topicanaphorically (as in the current state of Chiche ˆwa). Even if topic-anaphoricity was lost in the course of the change in the morphosyntactic properties of the OM, it could still be induced in the synchronic 301 ��
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Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conferenc
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Table of Contents Asudeh, Ash 1-18
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The Syntax of Preverbal Particles a
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2 The Problem: Five Conflicting Cla
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(10) CP C ′ XP CP XP The outermos
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(18) CP C ′ C ∅ IP CP IP I I
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1-3, unless problematic assumptions
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(4c) *After [IP last year [IP she r
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The adjunction rule (36) does not b
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(8c) chun isteacht duit [CP[CP nuai
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work on non-projecting categories a
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Coordination and Parallelism in Glu
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Traditional Linear Duplication a, a
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(8) fred : fe see : fe ⊸ je ⊸ s
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us add the following additional con
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3.2 A General Semantic Schema for C
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approach also achieves correct resu
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In summary, to show that two deriva
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Extraction possible from initial (p
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5.3.2 Across-the-Board Extraction T
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Asudeh, Ash (in progress). Resumpti
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Montague, Richard (1974). Formal ph
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Abstract VP-chaining in Oriya (an I
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(3) haata dho-i bhaata khaa-i mun s
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Figure 4. Schematic representation
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the medicine is applied. If overtly
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The control equation in (13) establ
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intervening object and thus ‘kept
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Lexicon L(1): khi-aa-ga-laa: V L(2)
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(20) VP -> VP V' α � *α SIT-IND
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CONSTRAINT SYMMETRY IN OPTIMALITY T
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‘Juan hit that dog with a stick
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‘With what did Juan hit the dog?
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The unexpectedly bad candidate is (
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Amharic (Semitic, Ethiopia) is a pr
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31) Wïšša-w bä=Daniel bet atäg
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A functional PP must contain a head
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appear): A less well known example
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appear on the non-recursive side of
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Publications. Smith Stark, Thomas.
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Abstract The development of large c
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subj : spec : det : pred : the head
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could annotate the CFG rules extrac
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strings in the WSJ section of the P
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Annotation coverage is measured in
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Our grammars are extracted from sec
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Penn-II training set is discarded f
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grammatical functions are more akin
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forms to semi-automatically develop
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Predicate Argument Structure. In: P
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Abstract PARTITIVE NOUN PHRASES IN
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possessive partitives in (7) and (8
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Extraction of constituents of dativ
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iológiát [[az egyik-en]NP __ ]NP
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Unlike post-verbal constituent orde
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uncertainty. Adopting this idea, I
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accounts for genitive possessor nou
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(38) Hungarian TOPIC/SCOPE/FOCUS pa
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The rule in (41) shows that the top
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Payne, John and Erika Chisarik. (20
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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GETARUN PARSER Rodolfo Delmonte Abs
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vital aid in the actual development
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levels of representations required
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sentence starts with a verb we let
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adjunct_cp negat pro=CLI, {Case=acc
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4. Parsing Strategies and P
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qualified. The following list of pr
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structure rules, after the head has
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subordinators, and to arguments of
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Hobbs J.R., D.E.Appelt, J.Bear, M.T
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SECTION II: ITALIAN TEXTS o La stor
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Mario criticava luigi perché ha ro
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1. Introduction Since the beginning
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. ⎡FOCUS ⎤ ⎢PRED ‘wonder (
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(12) *ng- oingerang a mlarngii a be
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(17) a. Hine ha- simla še kaniti.
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have resumptive pronouns. Under the
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way to license the same f-structure
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(33) a. Robin met the man that/who
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licensed in the normal way by funct
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description of the situation. Borer
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http://cslipublications.stanford.ed
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A (Discourse) Functional Analysis o
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A multi-factorial LFG analysis of a
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(9) CP (↑ SUBJ)= ↓ ↑=↓ NP C
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Word Order Properties SGF coordinat
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4.1 Asymmetric Analyses Heycock and
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(25) (a) S 〈 der Jäger ging in d
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In sum, the Subject Functor Lineari
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first and second conjunct are disti
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In the Glue Semantics approach (see
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In the optimality-based model, mism
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complementiser (COMPL) may be exten
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BULGARIAN WORD ORDER AND THE ROLE O
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Bulgarian word order and the role o
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1 Introduction This paper deals wit
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(4) To nifiko itan raf-to (*apo ton
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That is, in example (6) the partici
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(22) To spiti fenotan egataleli-men
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state denoted by the adjective appe
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in Modern Greek bears the intrinsic
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In addition, the lexical representa
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In this way, we capture the intuiti
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(57) To fagito ine magire-meno/*mag
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Corpus-based Learning in Stochastic
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LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
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Page 253 and 254: LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
Page 263 and 264: 1. Introduction In this paper I wil
Page 265 and 266: This strategy has been outlined by
Page 267 and 268: The essence of the new approach is
Page 269 and 270: 3.2. Control relations in Hungarian
Page 271 and 272: complements of the postposition ut
Page 273 and 274: offered a more detailed discussion,
Page 275 and 276: lexical form which argument of this
Page 277 and 278: Berkeley. pp. 18. (On-line publicat
Page 279 and 280: 0. Abstract This paper attempts to
Page 281 and 282: 'understand', oppgi 'state', opplev
Page 283 and 284: This property of raising to object
Page 285 and 286: (32) ved/fra å svømme by/from to
Page 287 and 288: (45) *Til å sove ser han ut to (PR
Page 289 and 290: (57) Å gjøre det er blitt tenkt p
Page 291 and 292: Second argument: The preposition do
Page 293 and 294: In Lødrup (2002), I show that most
Page 295 and 296: Teleman, Ulf, Staffan Hellberg and
Page 297 and 298: Abstract Majority of Bantu language
Page 299 and 300: No Object Agreement Bresnan and Mch
Page 301 and 302: (7) a. N-ä-ï- `m-lyì-á k-èlyá
Page 303: epresent 72% of the total of 312 se
Page 307 and 308: (19) Markedness Subhierarchies a. *
Page 309 and 310: 4.1 Hierarchy of Morphological Feat
Page 311 and 312: (30) Harmonic Alignment of (28) wit
Page 313 and 314: topic-anaphoricity (as a bound pron
Page 315 and 316: the present analysis highlights the
Page 317 and 318: Grimshaw, Jane. 2001. Economy of st
Page 319 and 320: CLITICS AND PHRASAL AFFIXATION IN C
Page 321 and 322: (2) (a) ...wedi eu gweld nhw. ASP C
Page 323 and 324: (7) IP (↑GF) = ↓ ↑ = ↓ NP I
Page 325 and 326: (14) (a) Jovan je čitao knjigu. Jo
Page 327 and 328: The Principle of Morphological Comp
Page 329 and 330: 3.2 Serbian Pronominal Clitics A se
Page 331 and 332: Example (35) has the c-structure in
Page 333 and 334: (43) (a) čovek-: N (↑PRED) = ‘
Page 335 and 336: (52) (a) jučer: N (ADJ↑) (↑PRE
Page 337 and 338: Case Marking and Subject Extraction
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Page 341 and 342: Coordinated structures (14) Peter o
Page 343 and 344: (20) Han hadde de trodd e ville kom
Page 345 and 346: (28) a. * Peter forventer [I’ [I
Page 347 and 348: One disadvantage of this approach i
Page 349 and 350: 6.2 Case Assignment and Empty Categ
Page 351 and 352: Lets us consider the binding condit
Page 353 and 354: claims that subject extraction is n
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ham: N ( (SUBJ £ ) ¡ ((COMP SUBJ
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[Vikner and Schwartz, 1996] Vikner,
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. Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-lul mek-I-
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In (4a), the object of the simple d
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3. Morphological Causatives in Kore
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. Mary-ka ttal-pakkey sakwa-ul an m
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Firstly, objects in MC are asymmetr
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The asymmetries of double accusativ
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Abstract The paper describes a pres
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construction - in good style. • I
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Figure 4: Attributed adjectives (
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Aspects of the syntax of psychologi
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Despite the syntactic differences e
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e. (exists independently of the eve
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(10) Poco a poco, me enfadó que pe
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to (3), we can thematically charact
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we can derive the grammatical funct
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‘This book interests him (John).
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unaccusative verb, while interesar
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Roegiest, E. (1999). Objet direct p
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Abstract The aim of this paper is t
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(6) Pierre lui a fait écrire une l
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dative NPs that the examples (4) to
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verb. In some languages, like Engli
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(15) *J’ai convaincu de lui tél
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VP � V + V + (NP) + (PP) (��
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a number of signs (words or phrases
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��
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DAVIS, A. & P.-J. KOENIG (2000) Lin
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1. Introduction Subsumption and Equ
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an XCOMP attribute whose value is t
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(8) a. S|VP Æ NP* (V’) ( S|VP )
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inconsistency with erzählen. But i
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We revise the fronted S|VP expansio
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5. The interaction between PVPF and
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(28) Ein Aussenseiter versuchte hie
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. * Ein Aussenseiter gewonnen haben
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The use of subsumption addresses fu
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TIGER TRANSFER Utilizing LFG Parses
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is an additional way of ensuring co
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"tiger_4548: Hier herrscht Demokrat
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y a multi-set of OT marks, thereby
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sumably they cannot be fixed in pri
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¢¡¤£¦¥¦§©¨�£¦§�¥
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Macros and Templates The system all
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Ambiguous Predicates A simple examp
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HD−OUT TI−FORM herrscht, TI−M
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(ignoring PP-attachment for the eva
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Kameyama, Megumi, Ryo Ochitani, and
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