Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conference National Technical - CSLI ...

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1 Differential Object Marking DIFFERENTIAL OBJECT MARKING (DOM), in which only some direct objects are case marked due to their semantic and pragmatic properties, has been extensively documented in functional and typological studies on case marking languages (e.g. Silverstein 1976, Comrie 1979, 1980, Croft 1988, among others). According to earlier studies, DOM takes many forms. For example in Sinhalese, animate-referring objects may be optionally case-marked (Gair 1970). In Hebrew definite objects are obligatorily case marked (Givón 1978). In Romanian, object case marking is obligatory for animate-referring personal pronouns and proper nouns, optional for others, and excluded for a third set (Farkas 1978). In recent work, Aissen (2000) proposes a single generalization of these seemingly disparate facts, and provides a systematic account of previously documented instances of DOM within Optimality Theory (Aissen 1999, Bresnan 2000, Sells 2001a,b). Aissen’s key generalization is stated in (1). (1) The higher in prominence a direct object the more likely it is to be overtly case marked—where the dimensions along which prominence is assessed include animacy (1a) and definiteness (1b). a. Animacy: Human � Animate � Inanimate b. Definiteness: Pronoun � Name � Definite � Indef. Specific � Non-specific Despite the impressive body of work on DOM, this phenomenon has received relatively little attention outside case marking languages. In this paper, I present data from Bantu languages, which are primarily head marking, and argue that DOM in case marking languages and previously observed variation in the use of object agreement in some Bantu languages are one and the same phenomenon conditioned by the single generalization in (1). The present discussion proceeds as follows. In section 2, I present the core facts on object marking in Bantu. The two crucial points will be the following: (i) object marking in Bantu is conditioned by animacy and definiteness, just as DOM is in case marking languages, and hence deserves a unified explanation; and (ii) we find considerable variation both across and within Bantu languages as to whether, and/or when, object marking is (not) used. The discussion in section 3 identifies theoretical issues raised by the observed facts in Bantu object marking: the cross-linguistic variation and optionality, and notions of ‘iconicity’ and ‘economy’ that are central in Aissen’s (2000) OT analysis of DOM. In section 4, I first outline briefly a set of theoretical assumptions adopted in my analysis for morphosyntactic realization of arguments before turining to my OT analysis. The final section includes a summary of the findings and a brief discussion of potential extension of the present approach to DOM beyond case marking and agreement languages. 2 Object Marking in Bantu Bantu languages are characterized primarily as head marking languages, where the subject and object marker on a verb cross-reference the verb’s arguments by agreeing in person, number and gender. The nature of object marking, however, is rather complex: majority of Bantu languages make use of word order rather than agreement for licensing objects, and object marking on the verb appears only when it is topic-anaphoric (like English pronouns). In some of these languages, however, both object agreement and positional licensing are required for particular types of object. In this section, I present these facts from some representative samples of the Bantu family. 294
No Object Agreement Bresnan and Mchombo (1987), whose detailed study of the head-marking morphology focuses on Chiche ˆwa subject and object markers, show conclusively that the subject marker (SM) functions either as a topic-anaphoric pronoun or an agreement marker coindexing a clause-internal, non-topical subject NP, whereas the object marker functions only as a topic-anaphoric pronoun, being in complementary distribution with a clause-internal, non-topical object NP. In their theory of agreement developed within the LFG framework (Bresnan 1982, 2001, Dalrymple et al. 1995, Falk 2001), the subject marker is said to be ambiguous between ANAPHORIC and GRAMMATICAL AGREEMENT, while the object marker is unambiguously anaphoric agreement. One piece of evidence for their claim about these markers comes from word order. In simple transitive sentences, the object must immediately follow the verb when the verb contains no OM while the subject can be freely re-ordered (Bresnan and Mchombo, p.744–745). This is illustrated in (2), where only (2a) and (2b) with the V-O order are acceptable. (2) a. SVO: Njûchi zi-ná-lúm-a alenje. Chiche ˆwa bees SM-PAST-bite-INDIC hunters ‘The bees bit the hunters.’ b. VOS: Zinálúma alenje njûchi. c. OVS: *Alenje zinálúma njûchi. d. VSO: *Zinálúma njûchi alenje. e. SOV:*Njĉhi alenje zináluma. f. OSV: *Alenje njûchi zináluma. On the other hand, when the OM is present, all the word order permutations become acceptable, as shown in (3). (3) a. SVO: Njûchi zi-ná-wá-lúm-a alenje. Chiche ˆwa bees SM-PAST-OM-bite-INDIC hunters ‘The bees bit them, the hunters.’ b. VOS:Zináwálúma alenje njûchi. c. OVS: Alenje zináwálúma njûchi. d. VSO:Zináwálúma njûchi alenje. e. SOV:Njĉhi alenje zináwáluma. f. OSV: Alenje njûchi zináwáluma. Bresnan and Mchombo argue that the contrast between (2) and (3) can be explained under the following assumptions: (i) the object NP must be inside VP requiring strict adjacency with V, (ii) the OM functions only as a incorporated pronominal argument, and (iii) the object NP appearing with the OM in (3) is a floating topic which is outside the minimal clause containing the OM. A number of tests Bresnan and Mchombo present clearly show that the OM is systematically prohibited to co-occur with an object NP that cannot be a topic, such as a wh-phrase, a non-referential object that is part of a verb-object idiom (e.g. a-ku-nóng’ónez-a bôndo ‘whisper-to his knee’ meaning ‘feeling remorse’ in Chiche ˆwa), and a focused object (e.g. in cleft). The SM, on the other hand, co-occurs with all such elements. For example, when the object of a verb-object idiom (= a non-referential object) is passivized, the subject marker co-occurs with it. 295
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Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conferenc
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Table of Contents Asudeh, Ash 1-18
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The Syntax of Preverbal Particles a
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2 The Problem: Five Conflicting Cla
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(10) CP C ′ XP CP XP The outermos
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(18) CP C ′ C ∅ IP CP IP I I
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1-3, unless problematic assumptions
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(4c) *After [IP last year [IP she r
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The adjunction rule (36) does not b
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(8c) chun isteacht duit [CP[CP nuai
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work on non-projecting categories a
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Coordination and Parallelism in Glu
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Traditional Linear Duplication a, a
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(8) fred : fe see : fe ⊸ je ⊸ s
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us add the following additional con
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3.2 A General Semantic Schema for C
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approach also achieves correct resu
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In summary, to show that two deriva
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Extraction possible from initial (p
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5.3.2 Across-the-Board Extraction T
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Asudeh, Ash (in progress). Resumpti
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Montague, Richard (1974). Formal ph
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Abstract VP-chaining in Oriya (an I
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(3) haata dho-i bhaata khaa-i mun s
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Figure 4. Schematic representation
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the medicine is applied. If overtly
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The control equation in (13) establ
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intervening object and thus ‘kept
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Lexicon L(1): khi-aa-ga-laa: V L(2)
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(20) VP -> VP V' α � *α SIT-IND
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CONSTRAINT SYMMETRY IN OPTIMALITY T
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‘Juan hit that dog with a stick
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‘With what did Juan hit the dog?
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The unexpectedly bad candidate is (
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Amharic (Semitic, Ethiopia) is a pr
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31) Wïšša-w bä=Daniel bet atäg
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A functional PP must contain a head
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appear): A less well known example
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appear on the non-recursive side of
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Publications. Smith Stark, Thomas.
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Abstract The development of large c
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subj : spec : det : pred : the head
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could annotate the CFG rules extrac
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strings in the WSJ section of the P
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Annotation coverage is measured in
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Our grammars are extracted from sec
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Penn-II training set is discarded f
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grammatical functions are more akin
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forms to semi-automatically develop
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Predicate Argument Structure. In: P
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Abstract PARTITIVE NOUN PHRASES IN
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possessive partitives in (7) and (8
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Extraction of constituents of dativ
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iológiát [[az egyik-en]NP __ ]NP
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Unlike post-verbal constituent orde
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uncertainty. Adopting this idea, I
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accounts for genitive possessor nou
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(38) Hungarian TOPIC/SCOPE/FOCUS pa
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The rule in (41) shows that the top
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Payne, John and Erika Chisarik. (20
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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GETARUN PARSER Rodolfo Delmonte Abs
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vital aid in the actual development
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levels of representations required
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sentence starts with a verb we let
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adjunct_cp negat pro=CLI, {Case=acc
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4. Parsing Strategies and P
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qualified. The following list of pr
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structure rules, after the head has
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subordinators, and to arguments of
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Hobbs J.R., D.E.Appelt, J.Bear, M.T
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SECTION II: ITALIAN TEXTS o La stor
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Mario criticava luigi perché ha ro
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1. Introduction Since the beginning
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. ⎡FOCUS ⎤ ⎢PRED ‘wonder (
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(12) *ng- oingerang a mlarngii a be
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(17) a. Hine ha- simla še kaniti.
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have resumptive pronouns. Under the
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way to license the same f-structure
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(33) a. Robin met the man that/who
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licensed in the normal way by funct
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description of the situation. Borer
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http://cslipublications.stanford.ed
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A (Discourse) Functional Analysis o
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A multi-factorial LFG analysis of a
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(9) CP (↑ SUBJ)= ↓ ↑=↓ NP C
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Word Order Properties SGF coordinat
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4.1 Asymmetric Analyses Heycock and
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(25) (a) S 〈 der Jäger ging in d
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In sum, the Subject Functor Lineari
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first and second conjunct are disti
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In the Glue Semantics approach (see
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In the optimality-based model, mism
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complementiser (COMPL) may be exten
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BULGARIAN WORD ORDER AND THE ROLE O
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Bulgarian word order and the role o
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1 Introduction This paper deals wit
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(4) To nifiko itan raf-to (*apo ton
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That is, in example (6) the partici
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(22) To spiti fenotan egataleli-men
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state denoted by the adjective appe
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in Modern Greek bears the intrinsic
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In addition, the lexical representa
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In this way, we capture the intuiti
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(57) To fagito ine magire-meno/*mag
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Corpus-based Learning in Stochastic
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LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
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Page 263 and 264: 1. Introduction In this paper I wil
Page 265 and 266: This strategy has been outlined by
Page 267 and 268: The essence of the new approach is
Page 269 and 270: 3.2. Control relations in Hungarian
Page 271 and 272: complements of the postposition ut
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Page 275 and 276: lexical form which argument of this
Page 277 and 278: Berkeley. pp. 18. (On-line publicat
Page 279 and 280: 0. Abstract This paper attempts to
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Page 283 and 284: This property of raising to object
Page 285 and 286: (32) ved/fra å svømme by/from to
Page 287 and 288: (45) *Til å sove ser han ut to (PR
Page 289 and 290: (57) Å gjøre det er blitt tenkt p
Page 291 and 292: Second argument: The preposition do
Page 293 and 294: In Lødrup (2002), I show that most
Page 295 and 296: Teleman, Ulf, Staffan Hellberg and
Page 297: Abstract Majority of Bantu language
Page 301 and 302: (7) a. N-ä-ï- `m-lyì-á k-èlyá
Page 303 and 304: epresent 72% of the total of 312 se
Page 305 and 306: We can characterize more concretely
Page 307 and 308: (19) Markedness Subhierarchies a. *
Page 309 and 310: 4.1 Hierarchy of Morphological Feat
Page 311 and 312: (30) Harmonic Alignment of (28) wit
Page 313 and 314: topic-anaphoricity (as a bound pron
Page 315 and 316: the present analysis highlights the
Page 317 and 318: Grimshaw, Jane. 2001. Economy of st
Page 319 and 320: CLITICS AND PHRASAL AFFIXATION IN C
Page 321 and 322: (2) (a) ...wedi eu gweld nhw. ASP C
Page 323 and 324: (7) IP (↑GF) = ↓ ↑ = ↓ NP I
Page 325 and 326: (14) (a) Jovan je čitao knjigu. Jo
Page 327 and 328: The Principle of Morphological Comp
Page 329 and 330: 3.2 Serbian Pronominal Clitics A se
Page 331 and 332: Example (35) has the c-structure in
Page 333 and 334: (43) (a) čovek-: N (↑PRED) = ‘
Page 335 and 336: (52) (a) jučer: N (ADJ↑) (↑PRE
Page 337 and 338: Case Marking and Subject Extraction
Page 339 and 340: objects occur in VP or in I (“obj
Page 341 and 342: Coordinated structures (14) Peter o
Page 343 and 344: (20) Han hadde de trodd e ville kom
Page 345 and 346: (28) a. * Peter forventer [I’ [I
Page 347 and 348: One disadvantage of this approach i
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6.2 Case Assignment and Empty Categ
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Lets us consider the binding condit
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claims that subject extraction is n
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ham: N ( (SUBJ £ ) ¡ ((COMP SUBJ
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[Vikner and Schwartz, 1996] Vikner,
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. Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-lul mek-I-
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In (4a), the object of the simple d
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3. Morphological Causatives in Kore
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. Mary-ka ttal-pakkey sakwa-ul an m
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Firstly, objects in MC are asymmetr
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The asymmetries of double accusativ
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Abstract The paper describes a pres
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construction - in good style. • I
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Figure 4: Attributed adjectives (
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Aspects of the syntax of psychologi
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Despite the syntactic differences e
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e. (exists independently of the eve
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(10) Poco a poco, me enfadó que pe
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to (3), we can thematically charact
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we can derive the grammatical funct
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‘This book interests him (John).
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unaccusative verb, while interesar
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Roegiest, E. (1999). Objet direct p
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Abstract The aim of this paper is t
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(6) Pierre lui a fait écrire une l
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dative NPs that the examples (4) to
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verb. In some languages, like Engli
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(15) *J’ai convaincu de lui tél
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VP � V + V + (NP) + (PP) (��
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a number of signs (words or phrases
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��
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DAVIS, A. & P.-J. KOENIG (2000) Lin
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1. Introduction Subsumption and Equ
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an XCOMP attribute whose value is t
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(8) a. S|VP Æ NP* (V’) ( S|VP )
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inconsistency with erzählen. But i
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We revise the fronted S|VP expansio
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5. The interaction between PVPF and
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(28) Ein Aussenseiter versuchte hie
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. * Ein Aussenseiter gewonnen haben
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The use of subsumption addresses fu
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TIGER TRANSFER Utilizing LFG Parses
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is an additional way of ensuring co
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"tiger_4548: Hier herrscht Demokrat
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y a multi-set of OT marks, thereby
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sumably they cannot be fixed in pri
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¢¡¤£¦¥¦§©¨�£¦§�¥
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Macros and Templates The system all
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Ambiguous Predicates A simple examp
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HD−OUT TI−FORM herrscht, TI−M
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(ignoring PP-attachment for the eva
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Kameyama, Megumi, Ryo Ochitani, and
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