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e stated in terms of f-structure properties, represented in the lexical entries of the pronouns by means of inside-out functional uncertainty equations. This approach has the advantage that it associates morphological function specification directly with the relevant lexical items without postulating case marking in other parts of the grammar where it is not empirically justified. Furthermore it allows for a straight-forward representation of (stylistic) variation in this particular construction and it accounts for the observed subject/object-asymmetry of operator binding in crossover. References [Berman, 2000] Berman, J. (2000). Topics in the Clausal Syntax of German. PhD thesis, Universität Stuttgart. [Bresnan, 2001] Bresnan, J. (2001). Lexical-Functional Syntax. Basil Blackwell. [Dalrymple, 2001] Dalrymple, M. (2001). Lexical-Functional Grammar, volume 34 of Syntax & Semantics. Academic Press. [Dalrymple et al., 2001] Dalrymple, M., Kaplan, R. M., and King, T. H. (2001). Weak Crossover and the Absence of Traces. In Butt, M. and King, T. H., editors, Proceedings of the LFG01 Conference. CSLI Publications. [Dalrymple and Lødrup, 2000] Dalrymple, M. and Lødrup, H. (2000). The Grammatical Function of Complement Clauses. In Butt, M. and King, T. H., editors, Proceedings of the LFG2000 Conference. CSLI Publications. [Falk, 2001] Falk, Y. (2001). Lexical-Functional Grammar: An Introduction to Parallel Constraint- Based Syntax. Number 126 in CSLI Lecture Notes. CSLI Publications. [Hansen, 1972] Hansen, E. (1972). Dr. Jekyll og Mr. Hyde i Dansk Grammatik. University of Copenhagen. [Hudson, 1990] Hudson, R. (1990). English Word Grammar. Basil Blackwell. [Lee, 2002a] Lee, H. (2002a). Crosslinguistic Variation in Argument Expression and Intralinguistic Freezing Effects. In Ionin, T., Ko, H., and Nevins, A., editors, MIT Working Papers in Linguistics, volume 43, pages 103–122. Cambridge, MIT Linguistics department. [Lee, 2002b] Lee, H. (2002b). A Lexicalist OT Approach to Case. University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. [Nordlinger, 1998] Nordlinger, R. (1998). Constructive Case: Evidence from Australian Languages. Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications. [Schütze, 2001] Schütze, C. T. (2001). On the Nature of Default Case. Syntax, 4(3):205–238. [Sells, 2001] Sells, P. (2001). Structure, Alignment and Optimality in Swedish. Stanford Monographs in Linguistics. CSLI Publications. [Taraldsen, 1981] Taraldsen, K. T. (1981). Case-conflict in Norwegian topicalization. In Burke, V. and Pustejovsky, J., editors, NELS 11: Proceedings of the Eleventh Annual Meeting of the North Eastern Linguistics Society, pages 377–398. Graduate Students Linguistics Association of the University of Massachussetts. 352
[Vikner and Schwartz, 1996] Vikner, S. and Schwartz, B. (1996). The Verb Always Leaves IP in V2 clauses. In Belletti, A. and Rizzi, L., editors, Parameters and Functional Heads. Essays in Comparative Syntax, pages 11–61. Oxford: Oxford University Press. [Woolford, 2001] Woolford, E. (2001). Case Patterns. In Legendre, G., Grimshaw, J., and Vikner, S., editors, Optimality-Theoretic Syntax. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. 353
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Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conferenc
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Table of Contents Asudeh, Ash 1-18
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The Syntax of Preverbal Particles a
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2 The Problem: Five Conflicting Cla
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(10) CP C ′ XP CP XP The outermos
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(18) CP C ′ C ∅ IP CP IP I I
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1-3, unless problematic assumptions
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(4c) *After [IP last year [IP she r
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The adjunction rule (36) does not b
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(8c) chun isteacht duit [CP[CP nuai
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work on non-projecting categories a
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Coordination and Parallelism in Glu
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Traditional Linear Duplication a, a
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(8) fred : fe see : fe ⊸ je ⊸ s
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us add the following additional con
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3.2 A General Semantic Schema for C
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approach also achieves correct resu
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In summary, to show that two deriva
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Extraction possible from initial (p
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5.3.2 Across-the-Board Extraction T
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Asudeh, Ash (in progress). Resumpti
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Montague, Richard (1974). Formal ph
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Abstract VP-chaining in Oriya (an I
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(3) haata dho-i bhaata khaa-i mun s
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Figure 4. Schematic representation
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the medicine is applied. If overtly
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The control equation in (13) establ
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intervening object and thus ‘kept
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Lexicon L(1): khi-aa-ga-laa: V L(2)
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(20) VP -> VP V' α � *α SIT-IND
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CONSTRAINT SYMMETRY IN OPTIMALITY T
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‘Juan hit that dog with a stick
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‘With what did Juan hit the dog?
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The unexpectedly bad candidate is (
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Amharic (Semitic, Ethiopia) is a pr
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31) Wïšša-w bä=Daniel bet atäg
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A functional PP must contain a head
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appear): A less well known example
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appear on the non-recursive side of
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Publications. Smith Stark, Thomas.
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Abstract The development of large c
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subj : spec : det : pred : the head
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could annotate the CFG rules extrac
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strings in the WSJ section of the P
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Annotation coverage is measured in
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Our grammars are extracted from sec
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Penn-II training set is discarded f
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grammatical functions are more akin
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forms to semi-automatically develop
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Predicate Argument Structure. In: P
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Abstract PARTITIVE NOUN PHRASES IN
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possessive partitives in (7) and (8
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Extraction of constituents of dativ
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iológiát [[az egyik-en]NP __ ]NP
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Unlike post-verbal constituent orde
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uncertainty. Adopting this idea, I
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accounts for genitive possessor nou
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(38) Hungarian TOPIC/SCOPE/FOCUS pa
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The rule in (41) shows that the top
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Payne, John and Erika Chisarik. (20
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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GETARUN PARSER Rodolfo Delmonte Abs
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vital aid in the actual development
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levels of representations required
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sentence starts with a verb we let
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adjunct_cp negat pro=CLI, {Case=acc
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4. Parsing Strategies and P
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qualified. The following list of pr
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structure rules, after the head has
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subordinators, and to arguments of
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Hobbs J.R., D.E.Appelt, J.Bear, M.T
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SECTION II: ITALIAN TEXTS o La stor
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Mario criticava luigi perché ha ro
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1. Introduction Since the beginning
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. ⎡FOCUS ⎤ ⎢PRED ‘wonder (
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(12) *ng- oingerang a mlarngii a be
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(17) a. Hine ha- simla še kaniti.
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have resumptive pronouns. Under the
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way to license the same f-structure
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(33) a. Robin met the man that/who
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licensed in the normal way by funct
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description of the situation. Borer
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http://cslipublications.stanford.ed
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A (Discourse) Functional Analysis o
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A multi-factorial LFG analysis of a
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(9) CP (↑ SUBJ)= ↓ ↑=↓ NP C
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Word Order Properties SGF coordinat
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4.1 Asymmetric Analyses Heycock and
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(25) (a) S 〈 der Jäger ging in d
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In sum, the Subject Functor Lineari
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first and second conjunct are disti
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In the Glue Semantics approach (see
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In the optimality-based model, mism
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complementiser (COMPL) may be exten
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BULGARIAN WORD ORDER AND THE ROLE O
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Bulgarian word order and the role o
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1 Introduction This paper deals wit
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(4) To nifiko itan raf-to (*apo ton
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That is, in example (6) the partici
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(22) To spiti fenotan egataleli-men
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state denoted by the adjective appe
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in Modern Greek bears the intrinsic
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In addition, the lexical representa
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In this way, we capture the intuiti
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(57) To fagito ine magire-meno/*mag
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Corpus-based Learning in Stochastic
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LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
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1. Introduction In this paper I wil
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This strategy has been outlined by
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The essence of the new approach is
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3.2. Control relations in Hungarian
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complements of the postposition ut
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offered a more detailed discussion,
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lexical form which argument of this
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Berkeley. pp. 18. (On-line publicat
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0. Abstract This paper attempts to
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'understand', oppgi 'state', opplev
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This property of raising to object
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(32) ved/fra å svømme by/from to
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(45) *Til å sove ser han ut to (PR
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(57) Å gjøre det er blitt tenkt p
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Second argument: The preposition do
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In Lødrup (2002), I show that most
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Teleman, Ulf, Staffan Hellberg and
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Abstract Majority of Bantu language
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No Object Agreement Bresnan and Mch
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(7) a. N-ä-ï- `m-lyì-á k-èlyá
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epresent 72% of the total of 312 se
Page 305 and 306: We can characterize more concretely
Page 307 and 308: (19) Markedness Subhierarchies a. *
Page 309 and 310: 4.1 Hierarchy of Morphological Feat
Page 311 and 312: (30) Harmonic Alignment of (28) wit
Page 313 and 314: topic-anaphoricity (as a bound pron
Page 315 and 316: the present analysis highlights the
Page 317 and 318: Grimshaw, Jane. 2001. Economy of st
Page 319 and 320: CLITICS AND PHRASAL AFFIXATION IN C
Page 321 and 322: (2) (a) ...wedi eu gweld nhw. ASP C
Page 323 and 324: (7) IP (↑GF) = ↓ ↑ = ↓ NP I
Page 325 and 326: (14) (a) Jovan je čitao knjigu. Jo
Page 327 and 328: The Principle of Morphological Comp
Page 329 and 330: 3.2 Serbian Pronominal Clitics A se
Page 331 and 332: Example (35) has the c-structure in
Page 333 and 334: (43) (a) čovek-: N (↑PRED) = ‘
Page 335 and 336: (52) (a) jučer: N (ADJ↑) (↑PRE
Page 337 and 338: Case Marking and Subject Extraction
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Page 341 and 342: Coordinated structures (14) Peter o
Page 343 and 344: (20) Han hadde de trodd e ville kom
Page 345 and 346: (28) a. * Peter forventer [I’ [I
Page 347 and 348: One disadvantage of this approach i
Page 349 and 350: 6.2 Case Assignment and Empty Categ
Page 351 and 352: Lets us consider the binding condit
Page 353 and 354: claims that subject extraction is n
Page 355: ham: N ( (SUBJ £ ) ¡ ((COMP SUBJ
Page 359 and 360: . Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-lul mek-I-
Page 361 and 362: In (4a), the object of the simple d
Page 363 and 364: 3. Morphological Causatives in Kore
Page 365 and 366: . Mary-ka ttal-pakkey sakwa-ul an m
Page 367 and 368: Firstly, objects in MC are asymmetr
Page 369 and 370: The asymmetries of double accusativ
Page 371 and 372: Abstract The paper describes a pres
Page 373 and 374: construction - in good style. • I
Page 375 and 376: Figure 4: Attributed adjectives (
Page 377 and 378: Aspects of the syntax of psychologi
Page 379 and 380: Despite the syntactic differences e
Page 381 and 382: e. (exists independently of the eve
Page 383 and 384: (10) Poco a poco, me enfadó que pe
Page 385 and 386: to (3), we can thematically charact
Page 387 and 388: we can derive the grammatical funct
Page 389 and 390: ‘This book interests him (John).
Page 391 and 392: unaccusative verb, while interesar
Page 393 and 394: Roegiest, E. (1999). Objet direct p
Page 395 and 396: Abstract The aim of this paper is t
Page 397 and 398: (6) Pierre lui a fait écrire une l
Page 399 and 400: dative NPs that the examples (4) to
Page 401 and 402: verb. In some languages, like Engli
Page 403 and 404: (15) *J’ai convaincu de lui tél
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a number of signs (words or phrases
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��
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DAVIS, A. & P.-J. KOENIG (2000) Lin
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1. Introduction Subsumption and Equ
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an XCOMP attribute whose value is t
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(8) a. S|VP Æ NP* (V’) ( S|VP )
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inconsistency with erzählen. But i
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We revise the fronted S|VP expansio
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5. The interaction between PVPF and
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(28) Ein Aussenseiter versuchte hie
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. * Ein Aussenseiter gewonnen haben
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The use of subsumption addresses fu
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TIGER TRANSFER Utilizing LFG Parses
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is an additional way of ensuring co
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"tiger_4548: Hier herrscht Demokrat
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y a multi-set of OT marks, thereby
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sumably they cannot be fixed in pri
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¢¡¤£¦¥¦§©¨�£¦§�¥
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Macros and Templates The system all
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Ambiguous Predicates A simple examp
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HD−OUT TI−FORM herrscht, TI−M
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(ignoring PP-attachment for the eva
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Kameyama, Megumi, Ryo Ochitani, and
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