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point conclude that the expressions ime... -menos (be... -menos; cf., example (1) above) are phrase structures consisting of the auxiliary ime (be) and a complement (see Mozer (1994)). According to the second class of analyses, though, Modern Greek words ending in -menos are participles. The analyses which take this assumption as their starting point conclude that the structures ime... -menos (be... -menos) are periphrastic expressions of the Passive Present Perfect (Present Perfect B’; see Veloudis (1990)). Researchers who adopt the former view claim that the semantics of words ending in -menos is the same as the semantics of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in -tos. That is, according to such views, ine anigmenos/klismenos and ine anihtos/klistos (be open/close) convey the same meaning (see Mozer (1994)). 3 Modern Greek words in -menos: Participles rather than Adjectives Markantonatou et al. (1996), though, have shown that words ending in -menos bear more verbal characteristics than Modern Greek deverbal adjectives in -tos. That is, they have proposed clearly that words ending in -menos are participles rather than adjectives. Look, for instance, at example (1), repeated here for convenience: (2) To nifiko itan ra-meno apo ton rafti me the wedding-dress.NEUT.N was sew.PRTC.NEUT.N by the tailor with hrisi klosti. golden thread “The wedding dress was sewn by the tailor with golden thread”. In (2) above the expression itan rameno supports two complements, one denoting the “agent” (ton rafti) and the other denoting the “instrument” (me hrisi klosti). Both of these complements correspond to verbal complements, i.e., the subject and the instrument supported by the verbal head in example (3): (3) O raftis erapse to nifiko me hrisi klosti. the tailor.N sew.PAST.3S the wedding-dress.A with golden thread “The tailor sewed the wedding dress with golden thread”. In contrast, deverbal adjectives ending in -tos do not permit the co-appearance of such complements in the same sentence (see example (4) below), showing thereby that their nature is “less verbal”: 222
(4) To nifiko itan raf-to (*apo ton rafti) the wedding-dress.NEUT.N was sewn.ADJ.NEUT.N (*by the tailor) (*me hrisi klosti). (*with golden thread) “The wedding dress was sewn (*by the tailor) (*with golden thread)”. In the following some more examples are added in order to show clearly that the words ending in -menos bear more verbal characteristics than the Modern Greek deverbal adjectives in -tos: (5) I porta itan anig-meni apo tus astinomikus me the door.FEM.N was open.PRTC.FEM.N by losto. metal-bar the policemen with “The door was opened by the policemen with a metal bar”. (6) Vrikan tin porta anig-meni me losto. they-found the door.FEM.A open.PRTC.FEM.A with metal-bar “They found the door opened with a metal bar”. (7) I porta itan anih-ti (*apo tus astinomikus) (*me the door.FEM.N was open.ADJ.FEM.N (*by losto). metal-bar) the policemen) (*with “The door was open (*by the policemen) (*with a metal bar)”. (8) Vrikan tin porta anih-ti (*me losto). they-found the door.FEM.A open.ADJ.FEM.A (*with metal-bar) “They found the door open (*with a metal bar)”. In example (5) the periphrasis itan anig-meni (was open) supports a complement which denotes the “agent” and a complement which denotes the “instrument”. Both of these complements correspond to verbal complements, i.e., the logical subject and the instrument supported by the verbal head as shown in example (9) below: (9) I astinomiki anixan tin porta me losto. the policemen.N.PL open.PAST.3PL the door.A with metal-bar “The policemen opened the door with a metal bar”. Even more evidence for the fact that words ending in -menos bear more verbal characteristics than Modern Greek deverbal adjectives in -tos comes from incorporation phenomena, as Markantonatou et al. (1996) have shown. That is, words 223
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Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conferenc
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Table of Contents Asudeh, Ash 1-18
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The Syntax of Preverbal Particles a
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2 The Problem: Five Conflicting Cla
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(10) CP C ′ XP CP XP The outermos
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(18) CP C ′ C ∅ IP CP IP I I
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1-3, unless problematic assumptions
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(4c) *After [IP last year [IP she r
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The adjunction rule (36) does not b
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(8c) chun isteacht duit [CP[CP nuai
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work on non-projecting categories a
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Coordination and Parallelism in Glu
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Traditional Linear Duplication a, a
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(8) fred : fe see : fe ⊸ je ⊸ s
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us add the following additional con
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3.2 A General Semantic Schema for C
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approach also achieves correct resu
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In summary, to show that two deriva
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Extraction possible from initial (p
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5.3.2 Across-the-Board Extraction T
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Asudeh, Ash (in progress). Resumpti
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Montague, Richard (1974). Formal ph
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Abstract VP-chaining in Oriya (an I
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(3) haata dho-i bhaata khaa-i mun s
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Figure 4. Schematic representation
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the medicine is applied. If overtly
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The control equation in (13) establ
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intervening object and thus ‘kept
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Lexicon L(1): khi-aa-ga-laa: V L(2)
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(20) VP -> VP V' α � *α SIT-IND
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CONSTRAINT SYMMETRY IN OPTIMALITY T
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‘Juan hit that dog with a stick
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‘With what did Juan hit the dog?
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The unexpectedly bad candidate is (
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Amharic (Semitic, Ethiopia) is a pr
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31) Wïšša-w bä=Daniel bet atäg
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A functional PP must contain a head
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appear): A less well known example
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appear on the non-recursive side of
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Publications. Smith Stark, Thomas.
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Abstract The development of large c
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subj : spec : det : pred : the head
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could annotate the CFG rules extrac
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strings in the WSJ section of the P
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Annotation coverage is measured in
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Our grammars are extracted from sec
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Penn-II training set is discarded f
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grammatical functions are more akin
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forms to semi-automatically develop
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Predicate Argument Structure. In: P
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Abstract PARTITIVE NOUN PHRASES IN
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possessive partitives in (7) and (8
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Extraction of constituents of dativ
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iológiát [[az egyik-en]NP __ ]NP
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Unlike post-verbal constituent orde
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uncertainty. Adopting this idea, I
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accounts for genitive possessor nou
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(38) Hungarian TOPIC/SCOPE/FOCUS pa
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The rule in (41) shows that the top
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Payne, John and Erika Chisarik. (20
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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GETARUN PARSER Rodolfo Delmonte Abs
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vital aid in the actual development
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levels of representations required
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sentence starts with a verb we let
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adjunct_cp negat pro=CLI, {Case=acc
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4. Parsing Strategies and P
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qualified. The following list of pr
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structure rules, after the head has
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subordinators, and to arguments of
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Hobbs J.R., D.E.Appelt, J.Bear, M.T
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SECTION II: ITALIAN TEXTS o La stor
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Mario criticava luigi perché ha ro
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1. Introduction Since the beginning
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. ⎡FOCUS ⎤ ⎢PRED ‘wonder (
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(12) *ng- oingerang a mlarngii a be
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(17) a. Hine ha- simla še kaniti.
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have resumptive pronouns. Under the
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way to license the same f-structure
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(33) a. Robin met the man that/who
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licensed in the normal way by funct
Page 175 and 176: description of the situation. Borer
Page 177 and 178: http://cslipublications.stanford.ed
Page 179 and 180: A (Discourse) Functional Analysis o
Page 181 and 182: A multi-factorial LFG analysis of a
Page 183 and 184: (9) CP (↑ SUBJ)= ↓ ↑=↓ NP C
Page 185 and 186: Word Order Properties SGF coordinat
Page 187 and 188: 4.1 Asymmetric Analyses Heycock and
Page 189 and 190: (25) (a) S 〈 der Jäger ging in d
Page 191 and 192: In sum, the Subject Functor Lineari
Page 193 and 194: first and second conjunct are disti
Page 195 and 196: In the Glue Semantics approach (see
Page 197 and 198: In the optimality-based model, mism
Page 199 and 200: complementiser (COMPL) may be exten
Page 201 and 202: BULGARIAN WORD ORDER AND THE ROLE O
Page 203 and 204: Bulgarian word order and the role o
Page 225: 1 Introduction This paper deals wit
Page 229 and 230: That is, in example (6) the partici
Page 231 and 232: (22) To spiti fenotan egataleli-men
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Page 237 and 238: In addition, the lexical representa
Page 239 and 240: In this way, we capture the intuiti
Page 241 and 242: (57) To fagito ine magire-meno/*mag
Page 243 and 244: Corpus-based Learning in Stochastic
Page 245 and 246: LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
Page 263 and 264: 1. Introduction In this paper I wil
Page 265 and 266: This strategy has been outlined by
Page 267 and 268: The essence of the new approach is
Page 269 and 270: 3.2. Control relations in Hungarian
Page 271 and 272: complements of the postposition ut
Page 273 and 274: offered a more detailed discussion,
Page 275 and 276: lexical form which argument of this
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Berkeley. pp. 18. (On-line publicat
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0. Abstract This paper attempts to
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'understand', oppgi 'state', opplev
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This property of raising to object
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(32) ved/fra å svømme by/from to
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(45) *Til å sove ser han ut to (PR
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(57) Å gjøre det er blitt tenkt p
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Second argument: The preposition do
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In Lødrup (2002), I show that most
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Teleman, Ulf, Staffan Hellberg and
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Abstract Majority of Bantu language
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No Object Agreement Bresnan and Mch
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(7) a. N-ä-ï- `m-lyì-á k-èlyá
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epresent 72% of the total of 312 se
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We can characterize more concretely
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(19) Markedness Subhierarchies a. *
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4.1 Hierarchy of Morphological Feat
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(30) Harmonic Alignment of (28) wit
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topic-anaphoricity (as a bound pron
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the present analysis highlights the
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Grimshaw, Jane. 2001. Economy of st
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CLITICS AND PHRASAL AFFIXATION IN C
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(2) (a) ...wedi eu gweld nhw. ASP C
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(7) IP (↑GF) = ↓ ↑ = ↓ NP I
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(14) (a) Jovan je čitao knjigu. Jo
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The Principle of Morphological Comp
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3.2 Serbian Pronominal Clitics A se
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Example (35) has the c-structure in
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(43) (a) čovek-: N (↑PRED) = ‘
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(52) (a) jučer: N (ADJ↑) (↑PRE
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Case Marking and Subject Extraction
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objects occur in VP or in I (“obj
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Coordinated structures (14) Peter o
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(20) Han hadde de trodd e ville kom
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(28) a. * Peter forventer [I’ [I
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One disadvantage of this approach i
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6.2 Case Assignment and Empty Categ
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Lets us consider the binding condit
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claims that subject extraction is n
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ham: N ( (SUBJ £ ) ¡ ((COMP SUBJ
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[Vikner and Schwartz, 1996] Vikner,
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. Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-lul mek-I-
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In (4a), the object of the simple d
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3. Morphological Causatives in Kore
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. Mary-ka ttal-pakkey sakwa-ul an m
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Firstly, objects in MC are asymmetr
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The asymmetries of double accusativ
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Abstract The paper describes a pres
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construction - in good style. • I
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Figure 4: Attributed adjectives (
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Aspects of the syntax of psychologi
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Despite the syntactic differences e
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e. (exists independently of the eve
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(10) Poco a poco, me enfadó que pe
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to (3), we can thematically charact
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we can derive the grammatical funct
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‘This book interests him (John).
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unaccusative verb, while interesar
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Roegiest, E. (1999). Objet direct p
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Abstract The aim of this paper is t
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(6) Pierre lui a fait écrire une l
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dative NPs that the examples (4) to
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verb. In some languages, like Engli
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(15) *J’ai convaincu de lui tél
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VP � V + V + (NP) + (PP) (��
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a number of signs (words or phrases
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��
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DAVIS, A. & P.-J. KOENIG (2000) Lin
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1. Introduction Subsumption and Equ
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an XCOMP attribute whose value is t
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(8) a. S|VP Æ NP* (V’) ( S|VP )
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inconsistency with erzählen. But i
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We revise the fronted S|VP expansio
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5. The interaction between PVPF and
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(28) Ein Aussenseiter versuchte hie
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. * Ein Aussenseiter gewonnen haben
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The use of subsumption addresses fu
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TIGER TRANSFER Utilizing LFG Parses
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is an additional way of ensuring co
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"tiger_4548: Hier herrscht Demokrat
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y a multi-set of OT marks, thereby
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sumably they cannot be fixed in pri
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¢¡¤£¦¥¦§©¨�£¦§�¥
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Macros and Templates The system all
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Ambiguous Predicates A simple examp
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HD−OUT TI−FORM herrscht, TI−M
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(ignoring PP-attachment for the eva
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Kameyama, Megumi, Ryo Ochitani, and
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