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participant in these LCS-s can be taken to be obligatorily controlled by the subject argument of the matrix verb. I think cases like these can be, in principle, more appropriately captured in the framework proposed here, provided that the details of the analysis are fully and consistently developed. It is interesting to note that Williams (1987) uses a similar example to demonstrate that a controlled argument (or participant) does not necessarily have a grammatical function and it is best treated as a kind of an implicit argument, cf.: (24) The professor performed Mary's operation. 4. Concluding remarks In this paper I have offered a considerably modified analysis of control phenomena in Hungarian DPs containing complex event nominal heads. Its most important aspects are as follows. 1) It leaves the standard LFG assumptions about argument structure, the system of grammatical functions available in the nominal domain intact, and supplements LMT in Hungarian DPs in a principled manner. 2) It holds that the unexpressed “subject” argument of a derived nominal argument can only be anaphorically controlled. 3) It postulates a POSS PRO argument for nominals derived from intransitive verbs. 4) In the case of nominals derived from transitive verbs, it assumes that the highest [–o] argument is associated with the zero GF symbol (∅) which triggers a “PRO-interpretation” of the argument in question in semantic structure. 5) Thus, the PRO interpretation of an argument comes from two sources: a) from the appearance of a PRO argument with a grammatical function in the lexical form of a predicate and consequently in the f-structure, and b) from the appearance of the π functor associated with the argument in question in the semantic structure. Finally, let me make two general comments on this approach. • As I have already mentioned in passing, the treatment of the transitive type calls for a marked solution in some component of the grammar on any account. Given that in my view the system and the operation of grammatical functions clearly belong to (morpho-)syntax, while control relations are best regarded as being in the scope of both syntax and semantics, my motivation was to handle control by such means as do not interfere with solely (morpho-)syntactic phenomena. That is why I set out to explore a possible approach in semantic structural terms. • The reason why I treat “the transitive PRO” and the “intransitive PRO” differently is that I consider LFG’s principles pertaining to argument structure and grammatical relations of primary importance. Therefore, I only employ grammatical functions for the existence of which in a particular construction type we have (independent) evidence. If a grammatical function is available then it must be present – associated with an ordinary or a PRO argument. This principle is especially relevant in the “intransitive case” because the following question arises. What motivates the use of a POSS PRO? Why not postulate the same ∅(π) strategy as in the transitive case? My answer is twofold. On the one hand, in my LMT approach to Hungarian DPs I assume the POSS Condition, which is the mirror image of the verbal domain SUBJ Condition. From this it follows that the sole argument of an unergative or unaccusative derived nominal predicate cannot be associated with the ∅(π) symbol. On the other hand, I think we can claim that certain economical considerations also point in this direction. It can be argued that a suppression process, that is the association of an argument with the ∅(∃) or ∅(π) symbol, is more costly than mapping this argument onto an available grammatical function, which is POSS in this case. References Arka, Wayan – Jane Simpson (1998) Control and complex arguments in Balinese In: Butt, Miriam − Tracy H. King, (eds.) Proceedings of the LFG '98 Conference. Berkeley: University of California, 272
Berkeley. pp. 18. (On-line publication: 1998 CSLI Publications, ISSN 1098-6782, http://wwwcsli.stanford.edu/publications/LFG2/lfg98.html Bresnan, Joan (1982) Control and complementation. In: Bresnan, Joan (ed.) The Mental Representation of Grammatical Relations. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 282−390. Bresnan, Joan (2001) Lexical-Functional Syntax. London: Blackwell. Chisarik, Erika – John Payne (2001) Modelling possessor constructions in LFG: English and Hungarian. In: Butt, Miriam − Tracy H. King, (eds.) Proceedings of the LFG '00 Conference. Berkeley: University of California, Berkeley. pp. 18. (On-line publication: 2001 CSLI Publications, ISSN 1098-6782, http://www-csli.stanford.edu/publications/LFG2/lfg00.html) Dalrymple, Mary (2001) Lexical Functional Grammar. New York: Academic Press. É. Kiss, Katalin (2000) The Hungarian noun phrase is like the English noun phrase. In: Kenesei, István − Alberti, Gábor (eds.) Approaches to Hungarian. Volume 7. Papers from the Pécs Conference. Szeged: JATEPress, 119−149. Grimshaw, Jane (1990) Argument Structure. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press. Halvorsen, Per-Kristian (1983) Semantics for lexical-functional grammar. Linguistic Inquiry 14, 567−615. Komlósy András (1998) A nomen actionis argumentumainak szintaktikai funkcióiról [On the syntactic functions of the arguments of the nomen actionis]. Manuscript. Budapest: MTA, Nyelvtudományi Intézet. Laczkó, Tibor (1995) The Syntax of Hungarian Noun Phrases − A Lexical-Functional Approach. Metalinguistica 2. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. Laczkó, Tibor (2000) Derived nominals, possessors and lexical mapping theory in Hungarian DPs. In: Butt, Miriam − Tracy H. King (eds.) Argument Realization. Stanford: CSLI Publications, 189−227. Rappaport, Malka (1983) On the nature of derived nominals. In: Levin, Lori – Malka Rappaport – Annie Zaenen (eds.) Papers in LFG. Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Linguistic Club, 113- 142. Szabolcsi, Anna (1990) Suppressed or PRO subjects? The argument structure of event nominals in Hungarian. In: Kenesei, István (ed.) Approaches to Hungarian, Vol. 3. Structures and Arguments. Szeged: JATE, 147−181. Williams, Edwin (1987) Implicit arguments, the binding theory, and control. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 5, 151-180. 273
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Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conferenc
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Table of Contents Asudeh, Ash 1-18
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The Syntax of Preverbal Particles a
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2 The Problem: Five Conflicting Cla
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(10) CP C ′ XP CP XP The outermos
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(18) CP C ′ C ∅ IP CP IP I I
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1-3, unless problematic assumptions
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(4c) *After [IP last year [IP she r
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The adjunction rule (36) does not b
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(8c) chun isteacht duit [CP[CP nuai
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work on non-projecting categories a
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Coordination and Parallelism in Glu
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Traditional Linear Duplication a, a
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(8) fred : fe see : fe ⊸ je ⊸ s
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us add the following additional con
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3.2 A General Semantic Schema for C
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approach also achieves correct resu
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In summary, to show that two deriva
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Extraction possible from initial (p
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5.3.2 Across-the-Board Extraction T
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Asudeh, Ash (in progress). Resumpti
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Montague, Richard (1974). Formal ph
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Abstract VP-chaining in Oriya (an I
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(3) haata dho-i bhaata khaa-i mun s
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Figure 4. Schematic representation
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the medicine is applied. If overtly
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The control equation in (13) establ
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intervening object and thus ‘kept
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Lexicon L(1): khi-aa-ga-laa: V L(2)
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(20) VP -> VP V' α � *α SIT-IND
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CONSTRAINT SYMMETRY IN OPTIMALITY T
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‘Juan hit that dog with a stick
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‘With what did Juan hit the dog?
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The unexpectedly bad candidate is (
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Amharic (Semitic, Ethiopia) is a pr
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31) Wïšša-w bä=Daniel bet atäg
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A functional PP must contain a head
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appear): A less well known example
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appear on the non-recursive side of
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Publications. Smith Stark, Thomas.
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Abstract The development of large c
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subj : spec : det : pred : the head
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could annotate the CFG rules extrac
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strings in the WSJ section of the P
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Annotation coverage is measured in
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Our grammars are extracted from sec
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Penn-II training set is discarded f
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grammatical functions are more akin
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forms to semi-automatically develop
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Predicate Argument Structure. In: P
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Abstract PARTITIVE NOUN PHRASES IN
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possessive partitives in (7) and (8
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Extraction of constituents of dativ
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iológiát [[az egyik-en]NP __ ]NP
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Unlike post-verbal constituent orde
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uncertainty. Adopting this idea, I
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accounts for genitive possessor nou
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(38) Hungarian TOPIC/SCOPE/FOCUS pa
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The rule in (41) shows that the top
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Payne, John and Erika Chisarik. (20
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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GETARUN PARSER Rodolfo Delmonte Abs
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vital aid in the actual development
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levels of representations required
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sentence starts with a verb we let
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adjunct_cp negat pro=CLI, {Case=acc
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4. Parsing Strategies and P
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qualified. The following list of pr
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structure rules, after the head has
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subordinators, and to arguments of
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Hobbs J.R., D.E.Appelt, J.Bear, M.T
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SECTION II: ITALIAN TEXTS o La stor
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Mario criticava luigi perché ha ro
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1. Introduction Since the beginning
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. ⎡FOCUS ⎤ ⎢PRED ‘wonder (
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(12) *ng- oingerang a mlarngii a be
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(17) a. Hine ha- simla še kaniti.
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have resumptive pronouns. Under the
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way to license the same f-structure
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(33) a. Robin met the man that/who
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licensed in the normal way by funct
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description of the situation. Borer
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http://cslipublications.stanford.ed
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A (Discourse) Functional Analysis o
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A multi-factorial LFG analysis of a
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(9) CP (↑ SUBJ)= ↓ ↑=↓ NP C
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Word Order Properties SGF coordinat
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4.1 Asymmetric Analyses Heycock and
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(25) (a) S 〈 der Jäger ging in d
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In sum, the Subject Functor Lineari
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first and second conjunct are disti
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In the Glue Semantics approach (see
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In the optimality-based model, mism
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complementiser (COMPL) may be exten
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BULGARIAN WORD ORDER AND THE ROLE O
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Bulgarian word order and the role o
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Page 225 and 226: 1 Introduction This paper deals wit
Page 227 and 228: (4) To nifiko itan raf-to (*apo ton
Page 229 and 230: That is, in example (6) the partici
Page 231 and 232: (22) To spiti fenotan egataleli-men
Page 233 and 234: state denoted by the adjective appe
Page 235 and 236: in Modern Greek bears the intrinsic
Page 237 and 238: In addition, the lexical representa
Page 239 and 240: In this way, we capture the intuiti
Page 241 and 242: (57) To fagito ine magire-meno/*mag
Page 243 and 244: Corpus-based Learning in Stochastic
Page 245 and 246: LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
Page 263 and 264: 1. Introduction In this paper I wil
Page 265 and 266: This strategy has been outlined by
Page 267 and 268: The essence of the new approach is
Page 269 and 270: 3.2. Control relations in Hungarian
Page 271 and 272: complements of the postposition ut
Page 273 and 274: offered a more detailed discussion,
Page 275: lexical form which argument of this
Page 279 and 280: 0. Abstract This paper attempts to
Page 281 and 282: 'understand', oppgi 'state', opplev
Page 283 and 284: This property of raising to object
Page 285 and 286: (32) ved/fra å svømme by/from to
Page 287 and 288: (45) *Til å sove ser han ut to (PR
Page 289 and 290: (57) Å gjøre det er blitt tenkt p
Page 291 and 292: Second argument: The preposition do
Page 293 and 294: In Lødrup (2002), I show that most
Page 295 and 296: Teleman, Ulf, Staffan Hellberg and
Page 297 and 298: Abstract Majority of Bantu language
Page 299 and 300: No Object Agreement Bresnan and Mch
Page 301 and 302: (7) a. N-ä-ï- `m-lyì-á k-èlyá
Page 303 and 304: epresent 72% of the total of 312 se
Page 305 and 306: We can characterize more concretely
Page 307 and 308: (19) Markedness Subhierarchies a. *
Page 309 and 310: 4.1 Hierarchy of Morphological Feat
Page 311 and 312: (30) Harmonic Alignment of (28) wit
Page 313 and 314: topic-anaphoricity (as a bound pron
Page 315 and 316: the present analysis highlights the
Page 317 and 318: Grimshaw, Jane. 2001. Economy of st
Page 319 and 320: CLITICS AND PHRASAL AFFIXATION IN C
Page 321 and 322: (2) (a) ...wedi eu gweld nhw. ASP C
Page 323 and 324: (7) IP (↑GF) = ↓ ↑ = ↓ NP I
Page 325 and 326: (14) (a) Jovan je čitao knjigu. Jo
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The Principle of Morphological Comp
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3.2 Serbian Pronominal Clitics A se
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Example (35) has the c-structure in
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(43) (a) čovek-: N (↑PRED) = ‘
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(52) (a) jučer: N (ADJ↑) (↑PRE
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Case Marking and Subject Extraction
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objects occur in VP or in I (“obj
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Coordinated structures (14) Peter o
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(20) Han hadde de trodd e ville kom
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(28) a. * Peter forventer [I’ [I
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One disadvantage of this approach i
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6.2 Case Assignment and Empty Categ
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Lets us consider the binding condit
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claims that subject extraction is n
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ham: N ( (SUBJ £ ) ¡ ((COMP SUBJ
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[Vikner and Schwartz, 1996] Vikner,
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. Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-lul mek-I-
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In (4a), the object of the simple d
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3. Morphological Causatives in Kore
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. Mary-ka ttal-pakkey sakwa-ul an m
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Firstly, objects in MC are asymmetr
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The asymmetries of double accusativ
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Abstract The paper describes a pres
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construction - in good style. • I
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Figure 4: Attributed adjectives (
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Aspects of the syntax of psychologi
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Despite the syntactic differences e
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e. (exists independently of the eve
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(10) Poco a poco, me enfadó que pe
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to (3), we can thematically charact
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we can derive the grammatical funct
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‘This book interests him (John).
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unaccusative verb, while interesar
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Roegiest, E. (1999). Objet direct p
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Abstract The aim of this paper is t
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(6) Pierre lui a fait écrire une l
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dative NPs that the examples (4) to
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verb. In some languages, like Engli
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(15) *J’ai convaincu de lui tél
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VP � V + V + (NP) + (PP) (��
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a number of signs (words or phrases
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��
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DAVIS, A. & P.-J. KOENIG (2000) Lin
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1. Introduction Subsumption and Equ
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an XCOMP attribute whose value is t
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(8) a. S|VP Æ NP* (V’) ( S|VP )
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inconsistency with erzählen. But i
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We revise the fronted S|VP expansio
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5. The interaction between PVPF and
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(28) Ein Aussenseiter versuchte hie
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. * Ein Aussenseiter gewonnen haben
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The use of subsumption addresses fu
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TIGER TRANSFER Utilizing LFG Parses
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is an additional way of ensuring co
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"tiger_4548: Hier herrscht Demokrat
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y a multi-set of OT marks, thereby
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sumably they cannot be fixed in pri
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¢¡¤£¦¥¦§©¨�£¦§�¥
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Macros and Templates The system all
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Ambiguous Predicates A simple examp
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HD−OUT TI−FORM herrscht, TI−M
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(ignoring PP-attachment for the eva
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Kameyama, Megumi, Ryo Ochitani, and
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