Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conference National Technical - CSLI ...

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Meurers, D. and K. De Kuthy, 2001. Case assignment in partially fronted constituents. In C. Rohrer, A. Rossdeutscher, and H. Kamp (eds.), Linguistic form and its computation. Stanford: CSLI Publications, 29-64. Müller, S. 1999. Deutsche Syntax deklarativ. Tübingen: Niemeyer. Nerbonne, J., 1995. Partial verb phrases and spurious ambiguities. In J. Nerbonne, K. Netter and C. Pollard (eds.), German in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar. Stanford: CSLI Publications, 109-150. Uszkoreit, H., 1987. Complex fronting in German. In G. J. Huck and A. Ojeda (eds.), Discontinuous constituency, Syntax and Semantics, vol. 20. New York: Academic Press, 405- 425. Zaenen, A., 1989. The place of bevallen (please) in the syntax of Dutch. Report SSL-89-17, Xerox Palo Alto Research Center, Palo Alto. Zaenen, A., and R. M. Kaplan, R. M., in press. Subject inversion in French: Equality and inequality in LFG. In C. Beyssade, O. Bonami, P. C. Hofherr, & F. Corblin (eds.), Empirical issues in formal syntax and semantics 4. Paris: Presses Universitaires de Paris-Sorbonne. Zaenen, A. and R. M. Kaplan, 1995. Formal Devices for linguistic generalizations: West Germanic word order in LFG. In Dalrymple, M., R. Kaplan, J. Maxwell, and A. Zaenen (eds.), Formal issues in Lexical-Functional Grammar. Stanford: CSLI Publications, 215-239. 426
TIGER TRANSFER Utilizing LFG Parses for Treebank Annotation Heike Zinsmeister University of Stuttgart Institute for Natural Language Processing zinsmeis@ims.uni-stuttgart.de Jonas Kuhn Stanford University Department of Linguistics 1 jonask@mail.utexas.edu Stefanie Dipper University of Stuttgart Institute for Natural Language Processing dipper@ims.uni-stuttgart.de Proceedings of the LFG02 Conference National Technical University of Athens, Athens Miriam Butt and Tracy Holloway King (Editors) 2002 CSLI Publications http://csli-publications.stanford.edu/ 1 Jonas Kuhn was at the University of Stuttgart when the main work reported in this paper was performed. 427
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Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conferenc
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Table of Contents Asudeh, Ash 1-18
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The Syntax of Preverbal Particles a
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2 The Problem: Five Conflicting Cla
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(10) CP C ′ XP CP XP The outermos
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(18) CP C ′ C ∅ IP CP IP I I
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1-3, unless problematic assumptions
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(4c) *After [IP last year [IP she r
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The adjunction rule (36) does not b
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(8c) chun isteacht duit [CP[CP nuai
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work on non-projecting categories a
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Coordination and Parallelism in Glu
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Traditional Linear Duplication a, a
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(8) fred : fe see : fe ⊸ je ⊸ s
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us add the following additional con
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3.2 A General Semantic Schema for C
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approach also achieves correct resu
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In summary, to show that two deriva
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Extraction possible from initial (p
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5.3.2 Across-the-Board Extraction T
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Asudeh, Ash (in progress). Resumpti
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Montague, Richard (1974). Formal ph
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Abstract VP-chaining in Oriya (an I
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(3) haata dho-i bhaata khaa-i mun s
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Figure 4. Schematic representation
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the medicine is applied. If overtly
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The control equation in (13) establ
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intervening object and thus ‘kept
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Lexicon L(1): khi-aa-ga-laa: V L(2)
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(20) VP -> VP V' α � *α SIT-IND
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CONSTRAINT SYMMETRY IN OPTIMALITY T
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‘Juan hit that dog with a stick
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‘With what did Juan hit the dog?
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The unexpectedly bad candidate is (
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Amharic (Semitic, Ethiopia) is a pr
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31) Wïšša-w bä=Daniel bet atäg
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A functional PP must contain a head
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appear): A less well known example
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appear on the non-recursive side of
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Publications. Smith Stark, Thomas.
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Abstract The development of large c
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subj : spec : det : pred : the head
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could annotate the CFG rules extrac
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strings in the WSJ section of the P
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Annotation coverage is measured in
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Our grammars are extracted from sec
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Penn-II training set is discarded f
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grammatical functions are more akin
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forms to semi-automatically develop
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Predicate Argument Structure. In: P
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Abstract PARTITIVE NOUN PHRASES IN
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possessive partitives in (7) and (8
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Extraction of constituents of dativ
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iológiát [[az egyik-en]NP __ ]NP
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Unlike post-verbal constituent orde
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uncertainty. Adopting this idea, I
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accounts for genitive possessor nou
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(38) Hungarian TOPIC/SCOPE/FOCUS pa
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The rule in (41) shows that the top
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Payne, John and Erika Chisarik. (20
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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GETARUN PARSER Rodolfo Delmonte Abs
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vital aid in the actual development
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levels of representations required
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sentence starts with a verb we let
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adjunct_cp negat pro=CLI, {Case=acc
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4. Parsing Strategies and P
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qualified. The following list of pr
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structure rules, after the head has
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subordinators, and to arguments of
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Hobbs J.R., D.E.Appelt, J.Bear, M.T
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SECTION II: ITALIAN TEXTS o La stor
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Mario criticava luigi perché ha ro
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1. Introduction Since the beginning
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. ⎡FOCUS ⎤ ⎢PRED ‘wonder (
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(12) *ng- oingerang a mlarngii a be
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(17) a. Hine ha- simla še kaniti.
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have resumptive pronouns. Under the
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way to license the same f-structure
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(33) a. Robin met the man that/who
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licensed in the normal way by funct
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description of the situation. Borer
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http://cslipublications.stanford.ed
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A (Discourse) Functional Analysis o
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A multi-factorial LFG analysis of a
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(9) CP (↑ SUBJ)= ↓ ↑=↓ NP C
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Word Order Properties SGF coordinat
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4.1 Asymmetric Analyses Heycock and
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(25) (a) S 〈 der Jäger ging in d
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In sum, the Subject Functor Lineari
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first and second conjunct are disti
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In the Glue Semantics approach (see
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In the optimality-based model, mism
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complementiser (COMPL) may be exten
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BULGARIAN WORD ORDER AND THE ROLE O
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Bulgarian word order and the role o
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1 Introduction This paper deals wit
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(4) To nifiko itan raf-to (*apo ton
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That is, in example (6) the partici
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(22) To spiti fenotan egataleli-men
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state denoted by the adjective appe
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in Modern Greek bears the intrinsic
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In addition, the lexical representa
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In this way, we capture the intuiti
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(57) To fagito ine magire-meno/*mag
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Corpus-based Learning in Stochastic
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LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
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1. Introduction In this paper I wil
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This strategy has been outlined by
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The essence of the new approach is
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3.2. Control relations in Hungarian
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complements of the postposition ut
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offered a more detailed discussion,
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lexical form which argument of this
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Berkeley. pp. 18. (On-line publicat
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0. Abstract This paper attempts to
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'understand', oppgi 'state', opplev
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This property of raising to object
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(32) ved/fra å svømme by/from to
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(45) *Til å sove ser han ut to (PR
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(57) Å gjøre det er blitt tenkt p
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Second argument: The preposition do
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In Lødrup (2002), I show that most
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Teleman, Ulf, Staffan Hellberg and
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Abstract Majority of Bantu language
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No Object Agreement Bresnan and Mch
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(7) a. N-ä-ï- `m-lyì-á k-èlyá
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epresent 72% of the total of 312 se
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We can characterize more concretely
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(19) Markedness Subhierarchies a. *
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4.1 Hierarchy of Morphological Feat
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(30) Harmonic Alignment of (28) wit
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topic-anaphoricity (as a bound pron
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the present analysis highlights the
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Grimshaw, Jane. 2001. Economy of st
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CLITICS AND PHRASAL AFFIXATION IN C
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(2) (a) ...wedi eu gweld nhw. ASP C
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(7) IP (↑GF) = ↓ ↑ = ↓ NP I
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(14) (a) Jovan je čitao knjigu. Jo
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The Principle of Morphological Comp
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3.2 Serbian Pronominal Clitics A se
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Example (35) has the c-structure in
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(43) (a) čovek-: N (↑PRED) = ‘
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(52) (a) jučer: N (ADJ↑) (↑PRE
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Case Marking and Subject Extraction
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objects occur in VP or in I (“obj
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Coordinated structures (14) Peter o
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(20) Han hadde de trodd e ville kom
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(28) a. * Peter forventer [I’ [I
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One disadvantage of this approach i
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6.2 Case Assignment and Empty Categ
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Lets us consider the binding condit
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claims that subject extraction is n
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ham: N ( (SUBJ £ ) ¡ ((COMP SUBJ
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[Vikner and Schwartz, 1996] Vikner,
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. Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-lul mek-I-
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In (4a), the object of the simple d
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3. Morphological Causatives in Kore
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. Mary-ka ttal-pakkey sakwa-ul an m
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Firstly, objects in MC are asymmetr
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The asymmetries of double accusativ
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Abstract The paper describes a pres
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construction - in good style. • I
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Figure 4: Attributed adjectives (
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Aspects of the syntax of psychologi
Page 379 and 380: Despite the syntactic differences e
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Page 383 and 384: (10) Poco a poco, me enfadó que pe
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Page 391 and 392: unaccusative verb, while interesar
Page 393 and 394: Roegiest, E. (1999). Objet direct p
Page 395 and 396: Abstract The aim of this paper is t
Page 397 and 398: (6) Pierre lui a fait écrire une l
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Page 405 and 406: VP � V + V + (NP) + (PP) (��
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Page 411 and 412: DAVIS, A. & P.-J. KOENIG (2000) Lin
Page 413 and 414: 1. Introduction Subsumption and Equ
Page 415 and 416: an XCOMP attribute whose value is t
Page 417 and 418: (8) a. S|VP Æ NP* (V’) ( S|VP )
Page 419 and 420: inconsistency with erzählen. But i
Page 421 and 422: We revise the fronted S|VP expansio
Page 423 and 424: 5. The interaction between PVPF and
Page 425 and 426: (28) Ein Aussenseiter versuchte hie
Page 427 and 428: . * Ein Aussenseiter gewonnen haben
Page 429: The use of subsumption addresses fu
Page 433 and 434: is an additional way of ensuring co
Page 435 and 436: "tiger_4548: Hier herrscht Demokrat
Page 437 and 438: y a multi-set of OT marks, thereby
Page 439 and 440: sumably they cannot be fixed in pri
Page 441 and 442: ¢¡¤£¦¥¦§©¨�£¦§�¥
Page 443 and 444: Macros and Templates The system all
Page 445 and 446: Ambiguous Predicates A simple examp
Page 447 and 448: HD−OUT TI−FORM herrscht, TI−M
Page 449 and 450: (ignoring PP-attachment for the eva
Page 451: Kameyama, Megumi, Ryo Ochitani, and
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