Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conference National Technical - CSLI ...

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References Bresnan, Joan. (2001). Lexical-Functional Syntax. Oxford: Blackwell. Chisarik, Erika and John Payne (2001). Modelling Possessor Constructions in LFG: English and Hungarian. In Butt, M. and T. Holloway King (eds.) Online Proceedings of the LFG01 Conference. CSLI Publications: http://csli-publications.stanford.edu.lfg01.html. Chomsky, Noam. (1986). Barriers. MIT Press: Cambridge, MA. Cinque, G. (1990). Types of A’-Dependencies. Linguitics Inquiry Monographs. MIT Press: Cambridge, MA. Dalrymple, Mary. (2001). Syntax and Semantics 34: Lexical-Functional Grammar. San Diego: Academic Press. É.Kiss, Katalin. (1994). Sentence Structure and Word Order. In Kiefer, Ferenc and Katalin É.Kiss, Syntax and Semantics: The Syntactic Structure of Hungarian 27, Academic Press: San Diego, pp. 1-91. É.Kiss, Katalin. (2000). The Hungarian noun phrase is like the English noun phrase, In Alberti, Gábor and István Kensei (eds), Approaches to Hungarian 7, Szeged: JATE, pp.119-150. É.Kiss, Katalin. (2002). The Syntax of Hungarian, Cambridge University Press. Falk, Jehuda. (2001). Lexical-Functional Grammar: An Introduction to Parallel Constraint- Based Syntax. CSLI Publications: Stanford University. Hornstein, N. and A. Weinberg. (1995). The empty category principle. In Government and Binding Theory and the Minimalist Program. Blackwell Publishers: Oxford. Kaplan, Ronald and Annie Zaenen (1989). Long-distance dependencies, constituent structure, and functional uncertainty. In Baltin, Mark and Anthony Kroch (eds). Alternative Conceptions of Phrase Structure. Chicago: Chicago University Press, pp.17-42. Kenesei, Istvan, Vago, Robert, and Anna Fenyvesi. (1998). Hungarian: Descriptive Grammars. Routledge. Komlósy, András. (1994). Complements and Adjuncts. In Kiefer, Ferenc and Katalin É.Kiss, Syntax and Semantics: The Syntactic Structure of Hungarian. Volume 27, Academic Press: San Diego, pp. 91-178. Koptevskaja-Tamm, Maria. (1998). Genitives and Possessive NPs in the Languages of Europe. In F. Plank (ed), Noun Phrase Structure in the Languages of Europe, Mouton de Gruyter: Berlin. Kornfilt, Jaklin. (1996). Naked Partitive Phrases in Turkish, In Hoeksema, Jakob. (ed). Partitives: Studies on the Syntax and Semantics of Partitive and Related Constructions. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 107-142. Kuhn, Jonas. (1998). Resource sensitivity in the Syntax-Semantics Interface and the German Split NP Construction. In Kiss T. and D. Meurers (eds), Proceedings of the ESSLLI X Workshop “Current topics in constraint based theories of Germanic syntax”. Saarbrücken. Laczkó, Tibor. (1995). The Syntax of Hungarian Noun Phrases. Meta Linguistica 2, Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang Nordlinger, Rachel. (1998). Constructive Case: Evidence from Australian Languages. Stanford, California: CSLI Publications. Payne, John and Erika Chisarik. (2000). Demonstrative constructions in Hungarian. In Alberti, Gábor and István Kenesei (eds), Approaches to Hungarian 7, Szeged: JATE, pp.179-198. 114
Payne, John and Erika Chisarik. (2001). The so-called “Nominative” Possessor Construction: A New Genitive? Paper presented at the 5 th International Conference on the Structure of Hungarian, Budapest, 24-26 May 2001. Ross, J. R. (1967). Constraints on variables in Syntax. Doctoral Dissertation, MIT. Simpson, Jane. (1991). Walpiri Morpho-Syntax: a Lexicalist Approach. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Press. Szabolcsi, Anna. (1994). The Noun Phrase. In Kiefer, Ferenc and Katalin É.Kiss, Syntax and Semantics: The Syntactic Structure of Hungarian. Volume 27, Academic Press: San Diego, pp. 179-274. Williams, E. (1992). Adjunct control. In Control and Grammar, Larson et al. (eds), Kluwer Academic Press: Dordrecht, pp.297-322. Zaenen, Annie. (1980). Extraction Rules in Icelandic. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University. Reprinted by Garland Press, New York, 1985. 115
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Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conferenc
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Table of Contents Asudeh, Ash 1-18
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The Syntax of Preverbal Particles a
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2 The Problem: Five Conflicting Cla
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(10) CP C ′ XP CP XP The outermos
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(18) CP C ′ C ∅ IP CP IP I I
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1-3, unless problematic assumptions
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(4c) *After [IP last year [IP she r
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The adjunction rule (36) does not b
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(8c) chun isteacht duit [CP[CP nuai
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work on non-projecting categories a
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Coordination and Parallelism in Glu
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Traditional Linear Duplication a, a
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(8) fred : fe see : fe ⊸ je ⊸ s
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us add the following additional con
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3.2 A General Semantic Schema for C
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approach also achieves correct resu
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In summary, to show that two deriva
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Extraction possible from initial (p
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5.3.2 Across-the-Board Extraction T
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Asudeh, Ash (in progress). Resumpti
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Montague, Richard (1974). Formal ph
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Abstract VP-chaining in Oriya (an I
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(3) haata dho-i bhaata khaa-i mun s
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Figure 4. Schematic representation
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the medicine is applied. If overtly
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The control equation in (13) establ
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intervening object and thus ‘kept
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Lexicon L(1): khi-aa-ga-laa: V L(2)
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(20) VP -> VP V' α � *α SIT-IND
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CONSTRAINT SYMMETRY IN OPTIMALITY T
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‘Juan hit that dog with a stick
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‘With what did Juan hit the dog?
Page 67 and 68: The unexpectedly bad candidate is (
Page 69 and 70: Amharic (Semitic, Ethiopia) is a pr
Page 71 and 72: 31) Wïšša-w bä=Daniel bet atäg
Page 73 and 74: A functional PP must contain a head
Page 75 and 76: appear): A less well known example
Page 77 and 78: appear on the non-recursive side of
Page 79 and 80: Publications. Smith Stark, Thomas.
Page 81 and 82: Abstract The development of large c
Page 83 and 84: subj : spec : det : pred : the head
Page 85 and 86: could annotate the CFG rules extrac
Page 87 and 88: strings in the WSJ section of the P
Page 89 and 90: Annotation coverage is measured in
Page 91 and 92: Our grammars are extracted from sec
Page 93 and 94: Penn-II training set is discarded f
Page 95 and 96: grammatical functions are more akin
Page 97 and 98: forms to semi-automatically develop
Page 99 and 100: Predicate Argument Structure. In: P
Page 101 and 102: Abstract PARTITIVE NOUN PHRASES IN
Page 103 and 104: possessive partitives in (7) and (8
Page 105 and 106: Extraction of constituents of dativ
Page 107 and 108: iológiát [[az egyik-en]NP __ ]NP
Page 109 and 110: Unlike post-verbal constituent orde
Page 111 and 112: uncertainty. Adopting this idea, I
Page 113 and 114: accounts for genitive possessor nou
Page 115 and 116: (38) Hungarian TOPIC/SCOPE/FOCUS pa
Page 117: The rule in (41) shows that the top
Page 121 and 122: ��
Page 123 and 124: ��
Page 125 and 126: ��
Page 127 and 128: ��
Page 129 and 130: ��
Page 131 and 132: ��
Page 133 and 134: ��
Page 135 and 136: GETARUN PARSER Rodolfo Delmonte Abs
Page 137 and 138: vital aid in the actual development
Page 139 and 140: levels of representations required
Page 141 and 142: sentence starts with a verb we let
Page 143 and 144: adjunct_cp negat pro=CLI, {Case=acc
Page 145 and 146: 4. Parsing Strategies and P
Page 147 and 148: qualified. The following list of pr
Page 149 and 150: structure rules, after the head has
Page 151 and 152: subordinators, and to arguments of
Page 153 and 154: Hobbs J.R., D.E.Appelt, J.Bear, M.T
Page 155 and 156: SECTION II: ITALIAN TEXTS o La stor
Page 157 and 158: Mario criticava luigi perché ha ro
Page 159 and 160: 1. Introduction Since the beginning
Page 161 and 162: . ⎡FOCUS ⎤ ⎢PRED ‘wonder (
Page 163 and 164: (12) *ng- oingerang a mlarngii a be
Page 165 and 166: (17) a. Hine ha- simla še kaniti.
Page 167 and 168: have resumptive pronouns. Under the
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way to license the same f-structure
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(33) a. Robin met the man that/who
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licensed in the normal way by funct
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description of the situation. Borer
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http://cslipublications.stanford.ed
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A (Discourse) Functional Analysis o
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A multi-factorial LFG analysis of a
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(9) CP (↑ SUBJ)= ↓ ↑=↓ NP C
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Word Order Properties SGF coordinat
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4.1 Asymmetric Analyses Heycock and
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(25) (a) S 〈 der Jäger ging in d
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In sum, the Subject Functor Lineari
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first and second conjunct are disti
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In the Glue Semantics approach (see
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In the optimality-based model, mism
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complementiser (COMPL) may be exten
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BULGARIAN WORD ORDER AND THE ROLE O
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Bulgarian word order and the role o
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1 Introduction This paper deals wit
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(4) To nifiko itan raf-to (*apo ton
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That is, in example (6) the partici
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(22) To spiti fenotan egataleli-men
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state denoted by the adjective appe
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in Modern Greek bears the intrinsic
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In addition, the lexical representa
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In this way, we capture the intuiti
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(57) To fagito ine magire-meno/*mag
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Corpus-based Learning in Stochastic
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LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
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1. Introduction In this paper I wil
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This strategy has been outlined by
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The essence of the new approach is
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3.2. Control relations in Hungarian
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complements of the postposition ut
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offered a more detailed discussion,
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lexical form which argument of this
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Berkeley. pp. 18. (On-line publicat
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0. Abstract This paper attempts to
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'understand', oppgi 'state', opplev
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This property of raising to object
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(32) ved/fra å svømme by/from to
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(45) *Til å sove ser han ut to (PR
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(57) Å gjøre det er blitt tenkt p
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Second argument: The preposition do
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In Lødrup (2002), I show that most
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Teleman, Ulf, Staffan Hellberg and
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Abstract Majority of Bantu language
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No Object Agreement Bresnan and Mch
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(7) a. N-ä-ï- `m-lyì-á k-èlyá
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epresent 72% of the total of 312 se
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We can characterize more concretely
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(19) Markedness Subhierarchies a. *
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4.1 Hierarchy of Morphological Feat
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(30) Harmonic Alignment of (28) wit
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topic-anaphoricity (as a bound pron
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the present analysis highlights the
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Grimshaw, Jane. 2001. Economy of st
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CLITICS AND PHRASAL AFFIXATION IN C
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(2) (a) ...wedi eu gweld nhw. ASP C
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(7) IP (↑GF) = ↓ ↑ = ↓ NP I
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(14) (a) Jovan je čitao knjigu. Jo
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The Principle of Morphological Comp
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3.2 Serbian Pronominal Clitics A se
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Example (35) has the c-structure in
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(43) (a) čovek-: N (↑PRED) = ‘
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(52) (a) jučer: N (ADJ↑) (↑PRE
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Case Marking and Subject Extraction
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objects occur in VP or in I (“obj
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Coordinated structures (14) Peter o
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(20) Han hadde de trodd e ville kom
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(28) a. * Peter forventer [I’ [I
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One disadvantage of this approach i
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6.2 Case Assignment and Empty Categ
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Lets us consider the binding condit
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claims that subject extraction is n
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ham: N ( (SUBJ £ ) ¡ ((COMP SUBJ
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[Vikner and Schwartz, 1996] Vikner,
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. Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-lul mek-I-
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In (4a), the object of the simple d
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3. Morphological Causatives in Kore
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. Mary-ka ttal-pakkey sakwa-ul an m
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Firstly, objects in MC are asymmetr
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The asymmetries of double accusativ
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Abstract The paper describes a pres
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construction - in good style. • I
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Figure 4: Attributed adjectives (
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Aspects of the syntax of psychologi
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Despite the syntactic differences e
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e. (exists independently of the eve
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(10) Poco a poco, me enfadó que pe
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to (3), we can thematically charact
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we can derive the grammatical funct
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‘This book interests him (John).
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unaccusative verb, while interesar
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Roegiest, E. (1999). Objet direct p
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Abstract The aim of this paper is t
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(6) Pierre lui a fait écrire une l
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dative NPs that the examples (4) to
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verb. In some languages, like Engli
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(15) *J’ai convaincu de lui tél
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VP � V + V + (NP) + (PP) (��
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a number of signs (words or phrases
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��
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DAVIS, A. & P.-J. KOENIG (2000) Lin
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1. Introduction Subsumption and Equ
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an XCOMP attribute whose value is t
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(8) a. S|VP Æ NP* (V’) ( S|VP )
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inconsistency with erzählen. But i
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We revise the fronted S|VP expansio
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5. The interaction between PVPF and
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(28) Ein Aussenseiter versuchte hie
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. * Ein Aussenseiter gewonnen haben
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The use of subsumption addresses fu
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TIGER TRANSFER Utilizing LFG Parses
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is an additional way of ensuring co
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"tiger_4548: Hier herrscht Demokrat
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y a multi-set of OT marks, thereby
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sumably they cannot be fixed in pri
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¢¡¤£¦¥¦§©¨�£¦§�¥
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Macros and Templates The system all
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Ambiguous Predicates A simple examp
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HD−OUT TI−FORM herrscht, TI−M
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(ignoring PP-attachment for the eva
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Kameyama, Megumi, Ryo Ochitani, and
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