Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conference National Technical - CSLI ...

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(7) ham tror Peter e vinder him thinks Peter wins (8) * han he ‘he is the one of whom Peter believes that he is going to win’ tror Peter e vinder thinks Peter wins ‘he is the one of whom Peter believes that he is going to win’ In (7), the pronoun ham/’him’ is the subject of the embedded verb vinder/’wins’. Example (8) is only possible on a reading with han/’he’ as the matrix subject. 4 In non-subject extraction configurations, the pronominal retains its case: (9) ham tror jeg ikke jeg kender e him.ACC think I not I know e ‘As for him I don’t think I know him’ The extraction of a pronominal subject is not accepted by all speakers. Speakers who reject (7) (i.e. the accusative marking of an extracted subject), also reject (8). For those speakers extraction of a pronominal subject is not possible at all. The accusative marking in (7) belongs to an informal register, but it is not restricted to spoken language. On the contrary, it is common on internet-pages from where the following examples are extracted. (10) Dem h˚aber jeg vil komme og besøge mig i det nordsjællandske. them hope I will come and see me in North Zealand ‘I hope they will come and see me in North Zealand’ (www.hjem.get2net.dk/vmf/side 7.htm) (11) dem ved jeg er gode! them know I are good ‘I know they are good’ (home.worldonline.dk/ ejstrups/kokkenhaven juni.htm) (12) ham ved jeg ikke lige hvem er him know I not exactly who is ‘I don’t quite know who he is’ (strikeforce.boomtown.net/phpBB/viewtopic.php?topic=414&forum=2) (13) dem ved jeg ikke hvordan smager them know I not how taste ‘I don’t know how they taste’ (www.fyldepennen.dk/tekster/520) 3 Previous Approaches 3.1 Stylistic Variation: Hansen 1972 The use of the nominative and the accusative forms of the personal pronouns is subject to considerable variation. This is only to be expected given that case no longer serves to identify grammatical functions (a point made in [Nordlinger, 1998]). The most common contexts of variation are: 4 The e indicates the intended reading of han/’he’ as an extracted subject. It does not necessarily correspond to an empty category. Cf. the discussion in section 6.2.1. 336
Coordinated structures (14) Peter og jeg/mig har været i vandet i dag Peter and I/me have been swimming today (example from [Hansen, 1972]) Object of preposition (15) mange af de/dem udefra ved i virkeligheden bedre besked many of they/them from outside are better informed actually (example from [Hansen, 1972]) Pronouns with restrictive modification (16) de/dem her ser da meget bedre ud they/them here look a lot better, don’t they? (example from [Hansen, 1972]) To account for this variation, [Hansen, 1972] distinguishes two different registers associated with social connotations, register 1 being “standard” and register 2 being “informal/colloquial”. These two registers employ different rules for the use of the pronominal forms. The main difference between the two registers is that pronouns in obligatorily stressed positions are in the accusative case in discourses in register 2, regardless of their grammatical function (i.e. also subjects as in (14) and (16) above). Topicalization of constituents other than the matrix subject is always associated with stress, so the extraction configuration in (7) is in accordance with Hansen’s generalization about discourses in register 2. However, there is a crucial differences between the extraction context in (7) (which is not discussed in Hansen) and the variation contexts in (14) through (16) above. The variation contexts permit a choice between the nominative and the accusative form, and the choice points to a certain register. In (7) there is no choice as to the form of the extracted pronominal. An extracted pronominal subject must be marked with the accusative form, or it can not be extracted at all. Furthermore, there are exceptions to the generalization that the accusative form is used for obligatorily stressed pronouns. Pronominal subjects occurring with focus adverbials are obligatorily stressed, and yet only the nominative form is possible: (17) kun/netop/ogs˚a han/*ham kan klare det only/exactly/also he/*him can do it Hansen claims that this construction does not constitute a counter-example to the generalization about the use of the pronoun forms in register 2 on the grounds that pronouns with focus adverbials do not occur in register 2 discourses at all. For this reason no variation is observed in this construction. The same kind of argument could be made about the extraction configuration: subject extraction does not occur in discourses in register 1, therefore no variation is observed. The picture is, however, more complicated. Subject extraction seems to occur in both registers, depending on the nature of the extracted element. Subject extraction involving lexical items without case marking, as in (18) and (19) below, is accepted by all speakers. (18) det tror jeg ikke e passer that think I not e is true ‘I really don’t think that is true’ 337
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Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conferenc
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Table of Contents Asudeh, Ash 1-18
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The Syntax of Preverbal Particles a
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2 The Problem: Five Conflicting Cla
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(10) CP C ′ XP CP XP The outermos
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(18) CP C ′ C ∅ IP CP IP I I
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1-3, unless problematic assumptions
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(4c) *After [IP last year [IP she r
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The adjunction rule (36) does not b
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(8c) chun isteacht duit [CP[CP nuai
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work on non-projecting categories a
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Coordination and Parallelism in Glu
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Traditional Linear Duplication a, a
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(8) fred : fe see : fe ⊸ je ⊸ s
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us add the following additional con
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3.2 A General Semantic Schema for C
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approach also achieves correct resu
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In summary, to show that two deriva
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Extraction possible from initial (p
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5.3.2 Across-the-Board Extraction T
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Asudeh, Ash (in progress). Resumpti
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Montague, Richard (1974). Formal ph
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Abstract VP-chaining in Oriya (an I
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(3) haata dho-i bhaata khaa-i mun s
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Figure 4. Schematic representation
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the medicine is applied. If overtly
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The control equation in (13) establ
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intervening object and thus ‘kept
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Lexicon L(1): khi-aa-ga-laa: V L(2)
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(20) VP -> VP V' α � *α SIT-IND
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CONSTRAINT SYMMETRY IN OPTIMALITY T
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‘Juan hit that dog with a stick
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‘With what did Juan hit the dog?
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The unexpectedly bad candidate is (
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Amharic (Semitic, Ethiopia) is a pr
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31) Wïšša-w bä=Daniel bet atäg
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A functional PP must contain a head
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appear): A less well known example
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appear on the non-recursive side of
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Publications. Smith Stark, Thomas.
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Abstract The development of large c
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subj : spec : det : pred : the head
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could annotate the CFG rules extrac
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strings in the WSJ section of the P
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Annotation coverage is measured in
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Our grammars are extracted from sec
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Penn-II training set is discarded f
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grammatical functions are more akin
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forms to semi-automatically develop
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Predicate Argument Structure. In: P
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Abstract PARTITIVE NOUN PHRASES IN
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possessive partitives in (7) and (8
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Extraction of constituents of dativ
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iológiát [[az egyik-en]NP __ ]NP
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Unlike post-verbal constituent orde
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uncertainty. Adopting this idea, I
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accounts for genitive possessor nou
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(38) Hungarian TOPIC/SCOPE/FOCUS pa
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The rule in (41) shows that the top
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Payne, John and Erika Chisarik. (20
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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GETARUN PARSER Rodolfo Delmonte Abs
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vital aid in the actual development
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levels of representations required
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sentence starts with a verb we let
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adjunct_cp negat pro=CLI, {Case=acc
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4. Parsing Strategies and P
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qualified. The following list of pr
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structure rules, after the head has
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subordinators, and to arguments of
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Hobbs J.R., D.E.Appelt, J.Bear, M.T
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SECTION II: ITALIAN TEXTS o La stor
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Mario criticava luigi perché ha ro
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1. Introduction Since the beginning
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. ⎡FOCUS ⎤ ⎢PRED ‘wonder (
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(12) *ng- oingerang a mlarngii a be
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(17) a. Hine ha- simla še kaniti.
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have resumptive pronouns. Under the
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way to license the same f-structure
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(33) a. Robin met the man that/who
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licensed in the normal way by funct
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description of the situation. Borer
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http://cslipublications.stanford.ed
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A (Discourse) Functional Analysis o
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A multi-factorial LFG analysis of a
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(9) CP (↑ SUBJ)= ↓ ↑=↓ NP C
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Word Order Properties SGF coordinat
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4.1 Asymmetric Analyses Heycock and
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(25) (a) S 〈 der Jäger ging in d
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In sum, the Subject Functor Lineari
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first and second conjunct are disti
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In the Glue Semantics approach (see
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In the optimality-based model, mism
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complementiser (COMPL) may be exten
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BULGARIAN WORD ORDER AND THE ROLE O
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Bulgarian word order and the role o
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1 Introduction This paper deals wit
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(4) To nifiko itan raf-to (*apo ton
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That is, in example (6) the partici
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(22) To spiti fenotan egataleli-men
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state denoted by the adjective appe
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in Modern Greek bears the intrinsic
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In addition, the lexical representa
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In this way, we capture the intuiti
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(57) To fagito ine magire-meno/*mag
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Corpus-based Learning in Stochastic
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LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
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1. Introduction In this paper I wil
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This strategy has been outlined by
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The essence of the new approach is
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3.2. Control relations in Hungarian
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complements of the postposition ut
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offered a more detailed discussion,
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lexical form which argument of this
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Berkeley. pp. 18. (On-line publicat
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0. Abstract This paper attempts to
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'understand', oppgi 'state', opplev
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This property of raising to object
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(32) ved/fra å svømme by/from to
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(45) *Til å sove ser han ut to (PR
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Page 291 and 292: Second argument: The preposition do
Page 293 and 294: In Lødrup (2002), I show that most
Page 295 and 296: Teleman, Ulf, Staffan Hellberg and
Page 297 and 298: Abstract Majority of Bantu language
Page 299 and 300: No Object Agreement Bresnan and Mch
Page 301 and 302: (7) a. N-ä-ï- `m-lyì-á k-èlyá
Page 303 and 304: epresent 72% of the total of 312 se
Page 305 and 306: We can characterize more concretely
Page 307 and 308: (19) Markedness Subhierarchies a. *
Page 309 and 310: 4.1 Hierarchy of Morphological Feat
Page 311 and 312: (30) Harmonic Alignment of (28) wit
Page 313 and 314: topic-anaphoricity (as a bound pron
Page 315 and 316: the present analysis highlights the
Page 317 and 318: Grimshaw, Jane. 2001. Economy of st
Page 319 and 320: CLITICS AND PHRASAL AFFIXATION IN C
Page 321 and 322: (2) (a) ...wedi eu gweld nhw. ASP C
Page 323 and 324: (7) IP (↑GF) = ↓ ↑ = ↓ NP I
Page 325 and 326: (14) (a) Jovan je čitao knjigu. Jo
Page 327 and 328: The Principle of Morphological Comp
Page 329 and 330: 3.2 Serbian Pronominal Clitics A se
Page 331 and 332: Example (35) has the c-structure in
Page 333 and 334: (43) (a) čovek-: N (↑PRED) = ‘
Page 335 and 336: (52) (a) jučer: N (ADJ↑) (↑PRE
Page 337 and 338: Case Marking and Subject Extraction
Page 339: objects occur in VP or in I (“obj
Page 343 and 344: (20) Han hadde de trodd e ville kom
Page 345 and 346: (28) a. * Peter forventer [I’ [I
Page 347 and 348: One disadvantage of this approach i
Page 349 and 350: 6.2 Case Assignment and Empty Categ
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Page 353 and 354: claims that subject extraction is n
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Page 357 and 358: [Vikner and Schwartz, 1996] Vikner,
Page 359 and 360: . Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-lul mek-I-
Page 361 and 362: In (4a), the object of the simple d
Page 363 and 364: 3. Morphological Causatives in Kore
Page 365 and 366: . Mary-ka ttal-pakkey sakwa-ul an m
Page 367 and 368: Firstly, objects in MC are asymmetr
Page 369 and 370: The asymmetries of double accusativ
Page 371 and 372: Abstract The paper describes a pres
Page 373 and 374: construction - in good style. • I
Page 375 and 376: Figure 4: Attributed adjectives (
Page 377 and 378: Aspects of the syntax of psychologi
Page 379 and 380: Despite the syntactic differences e
Page 381 and 382: e. (exists independently of the eve
Page 383 and 384: (10) Poco a poco, me enfadó que pe
Page 385 and 386: to (3), we can thematically charact
Page 387 and 388: we can derive the grammatical funct
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unaccusative verb, while interesar
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Roegiest, E. (1999). Objet direct p
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Abstract The aim of this paper is t
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(6) Pierre lui a fait écrire une l
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dative NPs that the examples (4) to
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verb. In some languages, like Engli
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(15) *J’ai convaincu de lui tél
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VP � V + V + (NP) + (PP) (��
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a number of signs (words or phrases
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��
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DAVIS, A. & P.-J. KOENIG (2000) Lin
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1. Introduction Subsumption and Equ
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an XCOMP attribute whose value is t
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(8) a. S|VP Æ NP* (V’) ( S|VP )
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inconsistency with erzählen. But i
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We revise the fronted S|VP expansio
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5. The interaction between PVPF and
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(28) Ein Aussenseiter versuchte hie
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. * Ein Aussenseiter gewonnen haben
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The use of subsumption addresses fu
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TIGER TRANSFER Utilizing LFG Parses
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is an additional way of ensuring co
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"tiger_4548: Hier herrscht Demokrat
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y a multi-set of OT marks, thereby
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sumably they cannot be fixed in pri
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¢¡¤£¦¥¦§©¨�£¦§�¥
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Macros and Templates The system all
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Ambiguous Predicates A simple examp
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HD−OUT TI−FORM herrscht, TI−M
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(ignoring PP-attachment for the eva
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Kameyama, Megumi, Ryo Ochitani, and
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