Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conference National Technical - CSLI ...

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(6’) ‘Pierre lui fait écrire une lettre à Paul.’ �� PRED ‘faire� ¡�� SUBJ, VCOMP, OBJ, OBJ¥ ¢¡¢£§¦�� ’ � ‘Pierre’� SUBJ ‘écrire� PRED SUBJ, OBJ¥ ¢¡¢£§¦�� OBJ, ’ VCOMP �� OBJ [ ] OBJ¥ ¢¡¢£§¦ � PRO� � � � SUBJ [ ] OBJ � ‘une lettre’� OBJ¥ ¢¡¢£§¦ � ‘à Paul’� � �� Figure 4: f-structure of an active causative (5’) ‘Pierre lui fait écrire une lettre par Marie.’ �� PRED ‘faire� � SUBJ, VCOMP, OBJ, OBJ¥ ¢¡¢£§¦�� ’ SUBJ � ‘Pierre’� VCOMP �� OBJ¥ ¢¡¢£§¦ OBJ [ ] [ ] � � � � PRED OBL¥� ¡ � ¦ � OBJ, � � � � � �� ¢¡¢£§¦ OBJ¥ , ‘écrire� ’ OBJ � ‘une lettre’� , ¢¡¢£§¦ � PRO� � � � OBJ¥ ¡ � ¦ � ‘par Marie’� OBL¥� Figure 5: f-structure of a passive causative 400 � ��
VP � V + V + (NP) + (PP) (�� (�� (��§� =�� (�� =�� + (PP) =�� §� Figure 6: c-structure rule appearing as complements of faire� ¡ . We can now explain the cliticisation facts in a very straightforward manner : Only the functional relations directly subcategorised for by the causative predicate can appear as clitics. This seems trivial, we simply use general rules about clitics in French, nothing else. But it does actually cover all the constraints observed in the previous sentences as the reader can check for him- or herself. But then, there is still the so-called merging effect observed at the surface level. The fact that in surface realisations, both predicates really appear to have merged their argument structures. The phrase-structural constraints appear not to discriminate between arguments depending on their level of subcategorisation. For instance, the linear order of complements seems shows that they are all part of one single syntactic domain. Although there is a rather strict order for complements in French, this order can be modified in order to emphasize some argument : (17) Pierre a fait nettoyer par le général toutes les toilettes des casernes. Peter had the general clean all the toilets in the barracks. Examples like this one clearly show that there is, at some point, a structural mismatch between an embedded and a flat representation. Since I have argued that this mismatch should not be between a- and f-structure, it has to be between fand c-structure. So we would probably want to have a complex predicate specific phrase structure rule or set of rules to allow for the correct constructions. This would be something like figure 6. In definitive, many other phenomena observed about causatives will find the same resolution as in the monoclausal accounts because either they rely on phrasestructural constraints and I have not brought any fundamental change in this area, or they rely on functional relations, but it turns out that they generally affect precisely 401
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Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conferenc
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Table of Contents Asudeh, Ash 1-18
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The Syntax of Preverbal Particles a
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2 The Problem: Five Conflicting Cla
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(10) CP C ′ XP CP XP The outermos
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(18) CP C ′ C ∅ IP CP IP I I
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1-3, unless problematic assumptions
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(4c) *After [IP last year [IP she r
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The adjunction rule (36) does not b
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(8c) chun isteacht duit [CP[CP nuai
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work on non-projecting categories a
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Coordination and Parallelism in Glu
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Traditional Linear Duplication a, a
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(8) fred : fe see : fe ⊸ je ⊸ s
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us add the following additional con
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3.2 A General Semantic Schema for C
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approach also achieves correct resu
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In summary, to show that two deriva
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Extraction possible from initial (p
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5.3.2 Across-the-Board Extraction T
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Asudeh, Ash (in progress). Resumpti
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Montague, Richard (1974). Formal ph
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Abstract VP-chaining in Oriya (an I
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(3) haata dho-i bhaata khaa-i mun s
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Figure 4. Schematic representation
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the medicine is applied. If overtly
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The control equation in (13) establ
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intervening object and thus ‘kept
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Lexicon L(1): khi-aa-ga-laa: V L(2)
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(20) VP -> VP V' α � *α SIT-IND
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CONSTRAINT SYMMETRY IN OPTIMALITY T
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‘Juan hit that dog with a stick
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‘With what did Juan hit the dog?
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The unexpectedly bad candidate is (
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Amharic (Semitic, Ethiopia) is a pr
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31) Wïšša-w bä=Daniel bet atäg
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A functional PP must contain a head
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appear): A less well known example
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appear on the non-recursive side of
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Publications. Smith Stark, Thomas.
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Abstract The development of large c
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subj : spec : det : pred : the head
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could annotate the CFG rules extrac
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strings in the WSJ section of the P
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Annotation coverage is measured in
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Our grammars are extracted from sec
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Penn-II training set is discarded f
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grammatical functions are more akin
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forms to semi-automatically develop
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Predicate Argument Structure. In: P
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Abstract PARTITIVE NOUN PHRASES IN
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possessive partitives in (7) and (8
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Extraction of constituents of dativ
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iológiát [[az egyik-en]NP __ ]NP
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Unlike post-verbal constituent orde
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uncertainty. Adopting this idea, I
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accounts for genitive possessor nou
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(38) Hungarian TOPIC/SCOPE/FOCUS pa
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The rule in (41) shows that the top
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Payne, John and Erika Chisarik. (20
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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GETARUN PARSER Rodolfo Delmonte Abs
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vital aid in the actual development
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levels of representations required
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sentence starts with a verb we let
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adjunct_cp negat pro=CLI, {Case=acc
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4. Parsing Strategies and P
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qualified. The following list of pr
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structure rules, after the head has
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subordinators, and to arguments of
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Hobbs J.R., D.E.Appelt, J.Bear, M.T
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SECTION II: ITALIAN TEXTS o La stor
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Mario criticava luigi perché ha ro
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1. Introduction Since the beginning
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. ⎡FOCUS ⎤ ⎢PRED ‘wonder (
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(12) *ng- oingerang a mlarngii a be
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(17) a. Hine ha- simla še kaniti.
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have resumptive pronouns. Under the
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way to license the same f-structure
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(33) a. Robin met the man that/who
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licensed in the normal way by funct
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description of the situation. Borer
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http://cslipublications.stanford.ed
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A (Discourse) Functional Analysis o
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A multi-factorial LFG analysis of a
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(9) CP (↑ SUBJ)= ↓ ↑=↓ NP C
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Word Order Properties SGF coordinat
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4.1 Asymmetric Analyses Heycock and
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(25) (a) S 〈 der Jäger ging in d
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In sum, the Subject Functor Lineari
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first and second conjunct are disti
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In the Glue Semantics approach (see
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In the optimality-based model, mism
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complementiser (COMPL) may be exten
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BULGARIAN WORD ORDER AND THE ROLE O
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Bulgarian word order and the role o
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1 Introduction This paper deals wit
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(4) To nifiko itan raf-to (*apo ton
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That is, in example (6) the partici
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(22) To spiti fenotan egataleli-men
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state denoted by the adjective appe
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in Modern Greek bears the intrinsic
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In addition, the lexical representa
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In this way, we capture the intuiti
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(57) To fagito ine magire-meno/*mag
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Corpus-based Learning in Stochastic
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LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
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1. Introduction In this paper I wil
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This strategy has been outlined by
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The essence of the new approach is
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3.2. Control relations in Hungarian
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complements of the postposition ut
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offered a more detailed discussion,
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lexical form which argument of this
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Berkeley. pp. 18. (On-line publicat
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0. Abstract This paper attempts to
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'understand', oppgi 'state', opplev
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This property of raising to object
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(32) ved/fra å svømme by/from to
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(45) *Til å sove ser han ut to (PR
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(57) Å gjøre det er blitt tenkt p
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Second argument: The preposition do
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In Lødrup (2002), I show that most
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Teleman, Ulf, Staffan Hellberg and
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Abstract Majority of Bantu language
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No Object Agreement Bresnan and Mch
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(7) a. N-ä-ï- `m-lyì-á k-èlyá
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epresent 72% of the total of 312 se
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We can characterize more concretely
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(19) Markedness Subhierarchies a. *
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4.1 Hierarchy of Morphological Feat
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(30) Harmonic Alignment of (28) wit
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topic-anaphoricity (as a bound pron
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the present analysis highlights the
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Grimshaw, Jane. 2001. Economy of st
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CLITICS AND PHRASAL AFFIXATION IN C
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(2) (a) ...wedi eu gweld nhw. ASP C
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(7) IP (↑GF) = ↓ ↑ = ↓ NP I
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(14) (a) Jovan je čitao knjigu. Jo
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The Principle of Morphological Comp
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3.2 Serbian Pronominal Clitics A se
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Example (35) has the c-structure in
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(43) (a) čovek-: N (↑PRED) = ‘
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(52) (a) jučer: N (ADJ↑) (↑PRE
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Case Marking and Subject Extraction
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objects occur in VP or in I (“obj
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Coordinated structures (14) Peter o
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(20) Han hadde de trodd e ville kom
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(28) a. * Peter forventer [I’ [I
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One disadvantage of this approach i
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6.2 Case Assignment and Empty Categ
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Lets us consider the binding condit
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Page 359 and 360: . Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-lul mek-I-
Page 361 and 362: In (4a), the object of the simple d
Page 363 and 364: 3. Morphological Causatives in Kore
Page 365 and 366: . Mary-ka ttal-pakkey sakwa-ul an m
Page 367 and 368: Firstly, objects in MC are asymmetr
Page 369 and 370: The asymmetries of double accusativ
Page 371 and 372: Abstract The paper describes a pres
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Page 375 and 376: Figure 4: Attributed adjectives (
Page 377 and 378: Aspects of the syntax of psychologi
Page 379 and 380: Despite the syntactic differences e
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Page 383 and 384: (10) Poco a poco, me enfadó que pe
Page 385 and 386: to (3), we can thematically charact
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Page 391 and 392: unaccusative verb, while interesar
Page 393 and 394: Roegiest, E. (1999). Objet direct p
Page 395 and 396: Abstract The aim of this paper is t
Page 397 and 398: (6) Pierre lui a fait écrire une l
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Page 411 and 412: DAVIS, A. & P.-J. KOENIG (2000) Lin
Page 413 and 414: 1. Introduction Subsumption and Equ
Page 415 and 416: an XCOMP attribute whose value is t
Page 417 and 418: (8) a. S|VP Æ NP* (V’) ( S|VP )
Page 419 and 420: inconsistency with erzählen. But i
Page 421 and 422: We revise the fronted S|VP expansio
Page 423 and 424: 5. The interaction between PVPF and
Page 425 and 426: (28) Ein Aussenseiter versuchte hie
Page 427 and 428: . * Ein Aussenseiter gewonnen haben
Page 429 and 430: The use of subsumption addresses fu
Page 431 and 432: TIGER TRANSFER Utilizing LFG Parses
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Page 435 and 436: "tiger_4548: Hier herrscht Demokrat
Page 437 and 438: y a multi-set of OT marks, thereby
Page 439 and 440: sumably they cannot be fixed in pri
Page 441 and 442: ¢¡¤£¦¥¦§©¨�£¦§�¥
Page 443 and 444: Macros and Templates The system all
Page 445 and 446: Ambiguous Predicates A simple examp
Page 447 and 448: HD−OUT TI−FORM herrscht, TI−M
Page 449 and 450: (ignoring PP-attachment for the eva
Page 451: Kameyama, Megumi, Ryo Ochitani, and
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