Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conference National Technical - CSLI ...

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(41) S ↓ ∈ (↑TOPIC) ↑=↓ (↑(↓ PCASE)) = ↓ PP VP ↑=↓ (↑COMP)=↓ V CP (↑OBL közül)=↓ ↑=↓ ↑=↓ ↑=↓ NP P C IP ↑=↓ ↑=↓ ↓ ∈ (↑TOPIC) ↑=↓ D N NP VP 112 ↑=↓ (↑OBJ)=↓ V NP A betörők közül mondták, hogy Péter felismert kettő-t the burglar.PL from say.3PL.PAST that Peter.NOM recognise.3SG.PAST two-ACC TOPIC PRED ‘burglar’ NTYPE COUNT NUM PL PCASE OBLközül DEF + PRED say ‘’ TENSE PAST SUBJ PRO COMP TOPIC PRED Peter CASE NOM PRED ‘recognize ’ TENSE PAST SUBJ PRED ‘two ’ NUM SG CASE ACC DEF - OBL közül
The rule in (41) shows that the topicalized phrase has the syntactic category PP and it is the sister of VP. The phrase structure rule correctly illustrates that the topicalized PP is outside the predicate. The annotation ↓ ∈ (↑TOPIC) captures the claim that PP belongs to a set of possible topicalizable phrases. The functional uncertainty equation (↑TOPIC) = (↑ COMP OBLközül) represents the topic path, namely that the TOPIC is associated with the grammatical function OBLközül which is embedded into COMP. In other words, the OBLközül occurs deep within the embedded subordinate clause that functions as the complement of the matrix verb. The off-path constraint under COMP ensures that COMP does not contain the attribute-value pair . The f-structure correctly reflects the grammatical functions: it is complete and coherent and does not violate any constraint. The f-structure of the TOPIC is associated with the grammatical function OBLközül, which is embedded in the sentential complement of the matrix verb. The fstructure of COMP does not contain the attribute-value pair . Therefore, the longdistance dependency between the split OBLközül complement and its head in this case is grammatical. 16 6. Concluding remarks In this paper, it has been shown that there are four basic types of partitive construction in Hungarian: genitive, dative, “közül”, and elative. In distinction to genitive partitives, dative, “közül” and elative partitives allow splitting of head and dependent. Split partitive noun phrases show diagnostics of long-distance dependencies: they are subject to the Adjunct Island Constraint and to the constraint imposed by non-bridge verbs. I have proposed an analysis of split partitive noun phrases in purely functional terms. By excluding NCOMP from the within-clause grammatical functions that can be associated with the various discourse functions, the inability of genitive partitives to split is accounted for straightforwardly. What is more, the explanation for the inseparability of genitive possessors from their head also follows from this constraint. The Adjunct Island Constraint has been captured by formalizing a functional constraint that excludes the attribute TENSE from the f-structure of adjuncts. This ensures that extraction is only allowed from adjunct phrases. The behaviour of non-bridge verbs was accounted for by a functional constraint ensuring that the f-structure of their complements does not contain the attribute-value pair . Finally, I have defined a general long-distance path for Hungarian. Further research is required to look into the behaviour of other long-distance dependencies in Hungarian, for instance WH-question and relative clauses, in order to reveal whether a unified functional account of them can be achieved. 16 In (41) another instance of a topicalized constituent also occurs, namely that of the subject of the embedded clause. The specially modified version of the general topicalization rule is given in (i): (i) IP → NP VP ↓ ∈ (↑TOPIC) ↑=↓ (↑TOPIC) = (↑SUBJ) The NP occurs as the topic of the embedded clause and it is outside the VP predicate. The topicalized NP constituent is related to the grammatical function SUBJ: the external argument of the verb. 113
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Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conferenc
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Table of Contents Asudeh, Ash 1-18
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The Syntax of Preverbal Particles a
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2 The Problem: Five Conflicting Cla
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(10) CP C ′ XP CP XP The outermos
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(18) CP C ′ C ∅ IP CP IP I I
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1-3, unless problematic assumptions
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(4c) *After [IP last year [IP she r
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The adjunction rule (36) does not b
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(8c) chun isteacht duit [CP[CP nuai
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work on non-projecting categories a
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Coordination and Parallelism in Glu
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Traditional Linear Duplication a, a
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(8) fred : fe see : fe ⊸ je ⊸ s
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us add the following additional con
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3.2 A General Semantic Schema for C
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approach also achieves correct resu
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In summary, to show that two deriva
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Extraction possible from initial (p
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5.3.2 Across-the-Board Extraction T
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Asudeh, Ash (in progress). Resumpti
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Montague, Richard (1974). Formal ph
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Abstract VP-chaining in Oriya (an I
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(3) haata dho-i bhaata khaa-i mun s
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Figure 4. Schematic representation
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the medicine is applied. If overtly
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The control equation in (13) establ
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intervening object and thus ‘kept
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Lexicon L(1): khi-aa-ga-laa: V L(2)
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(20) VP -> VP V' α � *α SIT-IND
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CONSTRAINT SYMMETRY IN OPTIMALITY T
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‘Juan hit that dog with a stick
Page 65 and 66: ‘With what did Juan hit the dog?
Page 67 and 68: The unexpectedly bad candidate is (
Page 69 and 70: Amharic (Semitic, Ethiopia) is a pr
Page 71 and 72: 31) Wïšša-w bä=Daniel bet atäg
Page 73 and 74: A functional PP must contain a head
Page 75 and 76: appear): A less well known example
Page 77 and 78: appear on the non-recursive side of
Page 79 and 80: Publications. Smith Stark, Thomas.
Page 81 and 82: Abstract The development of large c
Page 83 and 84: subj : spec : det : pred : the head
Page 85 and 86: could annotate the CFG rules extrac
Page 87 and 88: strings in the WSJ section of the P
Page 89 and 90: Annotation coverage is measured in
Page 91 and 92: Our grammars are extracted from sec
Page 93 and 94: Penn-II training set is discarded f
Page 95 and 96: grammatical functions are more akin
Page 97 and 98: forms to semi-automatically develop
Page 99 and 100: Predicate Argument Structure. In: P
Page 101 and 102: Abstract PARTITIVE NOUN PHRASES IN
Page 103 and 104: possessive partitives in (7) and (8
Page 105 and 106: Extraction of constituents of dativ
Page 107 and 108: iológiát [[az egyik-en]NP __ ]NP
Page 109 and 110: Unlike post-verbal constituent orde
Page 111 and 112: uncertainty. Adopting this idea, I
Page 113 and 114: accounts for genitive possessor nou
Page 115: (38) Hungarian TOPIC/SCOPE/FOCUS pa
Page 119 and 120: Payne, John and Erika Chisarik. (20
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Page 135 and 136: GETARUN PARSER Rodolfo Delmonte Abs
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Page 141 and 142: sentence starts with a verb we let
Page 143 and 144: adjunct_cp negat pro=CLI, {Case=acc
Page 145 and 146: 4. Parsing Strategies and P
Page 147 and 148: qualified. The following list of pr
Page 149 and 150: structure rules, after the head has
Page 151 and 152: subordinators, and to arguments of
Page 153 and 154: Hobbs J.R., D.E.Appelt, J.Bear, M.T
Page 155 and 156: SECTION II: ITALIAN TEXTS o La stor
Page 157 and 158: Mario criticava luigi perché ha ro
Page 159 and 160: 1. Introduction Since the beginning
Page 161 and 162: . ⎡FOCUS ⎤ ⎢PRED ‘wonder (
Page 163 and 164: (12) *ng- oingerang a mlarngii a be
Page 165 and 166: (17) a. Hine ha- simla še kaniti.
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have resumptive pronouns. Under the
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way to license the same f-structure
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(33) a. Robin met the man that/who
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licensed in the normal way by funct
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description of the situation. Borer
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http://cslipublications.stanford.ed
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A (Discourse) Functional Analysis o
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A multi-factorial LFG analysis of a
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(9) CP (↑ SUBJ)= ↓ ↑=↓ NP C
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Word Order Properties SGF coordinat
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4.1 Asymmetric Analyses Heycock and
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(25) (a) S 〈 der Jäger ging in d
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In sum, the Subject Functor Lineari
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first and second conjunct are disti
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In the Glue Semantics approach (see
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In the optimality-based model, mism
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complementiser (COMPL) may be exten
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BULGARIAN WORD ORDER AND THE ROLE O
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Bulgarian word order and the role o
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1 Introduction This paper deals wit
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(4) To nifiko itan raf-to (*apo ton
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That is, in example (6) the partici
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(22) To spiti fenotan egataleli-men
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state denoted by the adjective appe
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in Modern Greek bears the intrinsic
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In addition, the lexical representa
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In this way, we capture the intuiti
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(57) To fagito ine magire-meno/*mag
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Corpus-based Learning in Stochastic
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LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
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1. Introduction In this paper I wil
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This strategy has been outlined by
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The essence of the new approach is
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3.2. Control relations in Hungarian
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complements of the postposition ut
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offered a more detailed discussion,
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lexical form which argument of this
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Berkeley. pp. 18. (On-line publicat
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0. Abstract This paper attempts to
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'understand', oppgi 'state', opplev
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This property of raising to object
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(32) ved/fra å svømme by/from to
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(45) *Til å sove ser han ut to (PR
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(57) Å gjøre det er blitt tenkt p
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Second argument: The preposition do
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In Lødrup (2002), I show that most
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Teleman, Ulf, Staffan Hellberg and
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Abstract Majority of Bantu language
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No Object Agreement Bresnan and Mch
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(7) a. N-ä-ï- `m-lyì-á k-èlyá
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epresent 72% of the total of 312 se
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We can characterize more concretely
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(19) Markedness Subhierarchies a. *
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4.1 Hierarchy of Morphological Feat
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(30) Harmonic Alignment of (28) wit
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topic-anaphoricity (as a bound pron
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the present analysis highlights the
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Grimshaw, Jane. 2001. Economy of st
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CLITICS AND PHRASAL AFFIXATION IN C
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(2) (a) ...wedi eu gweld nhw. ASP C
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(7) IP (↑GF) = ↓ ↑ = ↓ NP I
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(14) (a) Jovan je čitao knjigu. Jo
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The Principle of Morphological Comp
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3.2 Serbian Pronominal Clitics A se
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Example (35) has the c-structure in
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(43) (a) čovek-: N (↑PRED) = ‘
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(52) (a) jučer: N (ADJ↑) (↑PRE
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Case Marking and Subject Extraction
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objects occur in VP or in I (“obj
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Coordinated structures (14) Peter o
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(20) Han hadde de trodd e ville kom
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(28) a. * Peter forventer [I’ [I
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One disadvantage of this approach i
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6.2 Case Assignment and Empty Categ
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Lets us consider the binding condit
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claims that subject extraction is n
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ham: N ( (SUBJ £ ) ¡ ((COMP SUBJ
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[Vikner and Schwartz, 1996] Vikner,
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. Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-lul mek-I-
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In (4a), the object of the simple d
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3. Morphological Causatives in Kore
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. Mary-ka ttal-pakkey sakwa-ul an m
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Firstly, objects in MC are asymmetr
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The asymmetries of double accusativ
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Abstract The paper describes a pres
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construction - in good style. • I
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Figure 4: Attributed adjectives (
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Aspects of the syntax of psychologi
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Despite the syntactic differences e
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e. (exists independently of the eve
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(10) Poco a poco, me enfadó que pe
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to (3), we can thematically charact
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we can derive the grammatical funct
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‘This book interests him (John).
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unaccusative verb, while interesar
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Roegiest, E. (1999). Objet direct p
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Abstract The aim of this paper is t
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(6) Pierre lui a fait écrire une l
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dative NPs that the examples (4) to
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verb. In some languages, like Engli
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(15) *J’ai convaincu de lui tél
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VP � V + V + (NP) + (PP) (��
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a number of signs (words or phrases
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��
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DAVIS, A. & P.-J. KOENIG (2000) Lin
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1. Introduction Subsumption and Equ
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an XCOMP attribute whose value is t
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(8) a. S|VP Æ NP* (V’) ( S|VP )
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inconsistency with erzählen. But i
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We revise the fronted S|VP expansio
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5. The interaction between PVPF and
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(28) Ein Aussenseiter versuchte hie
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. * Ein Aussenseiter gewonnen haben
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The use of subsumption addresses fu
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TIGER TRANSFER Utilizing LFG Parses
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is an additional way of ensuring co
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"tiger_4548: Hier herrscht Demokrat
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y a multi-set of OT marks, thereby
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sumably they cannot be fixed in pri
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¢¡¤£¦¥¦§©¨�£¦§�¥
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Macros and Templates The system all
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Ambiguous Predicates A simple examp
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HD−OUT TI−FORM herrscht, TI−M
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(ignoring PP-attachment for the eva
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Kameyama, Megumi, Ryo Ochitani, and
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