Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conference National Technical - CSLI ...

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GETARUN PARSER A parser equipped with Quantifier Raising and Anaphoric Binding based on LFG Rodolfo Delmonte Ca' Garzoni-Moro, San Marco 3417 Università "Ca Foscari" 30124 - VENEZIA Tel. 39-41-2578464/52/19 - Fax. 39-41-5287683 E-mail: delmont@unive.it - website: project.cgm.unive.it Proceedings of the LFG02 Conference National Technical University of Athens, Athens Miriam Butt and Tracy Holloway King (Editors) 2002 CSLI Publications http://csli-publications.stanford.edu/ 130
GETARUN PARSER Rodolfo Delmonte Abstract GETARUN, the system for text understanding developed at the University of Venice, is equipped with three main modules: a lower module for parsing where sentence strategies are implemented; a middle module for semantic interpretation and discourse model construction which is cast into Situation Semantics; and a higher module where reasoning and generation takes place. We assume that from a psycholinguistic point of view, parsing requires setting up a number of disambiguating strategies, basically to tell arguments apart from adjuncts and reduce the effects of backtracking. The system is based on LFG theoretical framework and has a highly interconnected modular structure. It is a top-down depth-first DCG-based parser written in Prolog which uses a strong deterministic policy by means of a lookahead mechanism with a WFST to help recovery when failure is unavoidable due to strong attachment ambiguity. It is divided up into a pipeline of sequential but independent modules which realize the subdivision of a parsing scheme as proposed in LFG theory where a c-structure is built before the f-structure can be projected by unification into a DAG. As to multilinguality, the basic tenet of the parser is based on a UG-like perspective, i.e. the fact that all languages share a common core grammar and may vary at the periphery: internal differences are taken care of by parameterized rules. The DCG grammar allows the specification of linguistic rules in a highly declarative mode: it works topdown and by making a heavy use of linguistic knowledge may achieve an almost complete deterministic policy. Parameterized rules are scattered throughout the grammar so that they can be activated as soon as a given rule is entered by the parser. 1. Introduction GETARUN, the system for text understanding developed at the University of Venice, is equipped with three main modules: a lower module for parsing where sentence strategies are implemented (Delmonte, 1990; Delmonte and Bianchi and Pianta, 1992); a middle module for semantic interpretation and discourse model construction which is cast into Situation Semantics; and a higher module where reasoning and generation takes place (Delmonte, 2000a; Delmonte and Bianch, 2002). We assume that from a psycholinguistic point of view, parsing requires setting up a number of disambiguating strategies, basically to tell arguments apart from adjuncts and reduce the effects of backtracking. The system is based on LFG theoretical framework (see Bresnan, J. 2001) and has a highly interconnected modular structure. It is a top-down depth-first DCGbased parser written in Prolog which uses a strong deterministic policy by means of a lookahead mechanism with a WFST to help recovery when failure is unavoidable due to strong attachment ambiguity. It is divided up into a pipeline of sequential but independent modules which realize the subdivision of a parsing scheme as proposed in LFG theory where a c-structure is built before the f-structure can be projected by unification into a DAG. In this sense we try to apply in a given sequence phrase-structure rules as they are ordered in the grammar: whenever a syntactic constituent is successfully built, it is checked for semantic consistency, both internally for headspec agreement, and externally, in case of a nonsubstantial head like a preposition dominates the lower NP constituent; other important local semantic consistency checks are performed with modifiers like attributive and predicative adjuncts. In case the governing predicate expects obligatory arguments to be lexically realized they will be searched and checked for uniqueness and coherence as LFG grammaticality principles require. Whenever a given predicate has expectancies for a given argument to be realized either optionally or obligatorily this information will be passed below to the recursive portion of the parsing: this operation allows us to implement parsing strategies like Minimal Attachment, Functional Preference and other ones (see Delmonte and Dolci 1989; Delmonte and Dolci 1997). As to multilinguality, the basic tenet of the parser is based on a UG-like perspective, i.e. the fact that all languages share a common core grammar and may vary at the periphery: internal differences are predicted by parameters. The DCG grammar allows the specification of linguistic rules in a highly declarative mode: it works topdown and by making a heavy use of linguistic knowledge may achieve an 131
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Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conferenc
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Table of Contents Asudeh, Ash 1-18
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The Syntax of Preverbal Particles a
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2 The Problem: Five Conflicting Cla
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(10) CP C ′ XP CP XP The outermos
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(18) CP C ′ C ∅ IP CP IP I I
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1-3, unless problematic assumptions
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(4c) *After [IP last year [IP she r
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The adjunction rule (36) does not b
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(8c) chun isteacht duit [CP[CP nuai
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work on non-projecting categories a
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Coordination and Parallelism in Glu
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Traditional Linear Duplication a, a
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(8) fred : fe see : fe ⊸ je ⊸ s
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us add the following additional con
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3.2 A General Semantic Schema for C
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approach also achieves correct resu
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In summary, to show that two deriva
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Extraction possible from initial (p
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5.3.2 Across-the-Board Extraction T
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Asudeh, Ash (in progress). Resumpti
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Montague, Richard (1974). Formal ph
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Abstract VP-chaining in Oriya (an I
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(3) haata dho-i bhaata khaa-i mun s
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Figure 4. Schematic representation
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the medicine is applied. If overtly
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The control equation in (13) establ
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intervening object and thus ‘kept
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Lexicon L(1): khi-aa-ga-laa: V L(2)
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(20) VP -> VP V' α � *α SIT-IND
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CONSTRAINT SYMMETRY IN OPTIMALITY T
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‘Juan hit that dog with a stick
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‘With what did Juan hit the dog?
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The unexpectedly bad candidate is (
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Amharic (Semitic, Ethiopia) is a pr
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31) Wïšša-w bä=Daniel bet atäg
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A functional PP must contain a head
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appear): A less well known example
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appear on the non-recursive side of
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Publications. Smith Stark, Thomas.
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Abstract The development of large c
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Page 85 and 86: could annotate the CFG rules extrac
Page 87 and 88: strings in the WSJ section of the P
Page 89 and 90: Annotation coverage is measured in
Page 91 and 92: Our grammars are extracted from sec
Page 93 and 94: Penn-II training set is discarded f
Page 95 and 96: grammatical functions are more akin
Page 97 and 98: forms to semi-automatically develop
Page 99 and 100: Predicate Argument Structure. In: P
Page 101 and 102: Abstract PARTITIVE NOUN PHRASES IN
Page 103 and 104: possessive partitives in (7) and (8
Page 105 and 106: Extraction of constituents of dativ
Page 107 and 108: iológiát [[az egyik-en]NP __ ]NP
Page 109 and 110: Unlike post-verbal constituent orde
Page 111 and 112: uncertainty. Adopting this idea, I
Page 113 and 114: accounts for genitive possessor nou
Page 115 and 116: (38) Hungarian TOPIC/SCOPE/FOCUS pa
Page 117 and 118: The rule in (41) shows that the top
Page 119 and 120: Payne, John and Erika Chisarik. (20
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Page 137 and 138: vital aid in the actual development
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Page 141 and 142: sentence starts with a verb we let
Page 143 and 144: adjunct_cp negat pro=CLI, {Case=acc
Page 145 and 146: 4. Parsing Strategies and P
Page 147 and 148: qualified. The following list of pr
Page 149 and 150: structure rules, after the head has
Page 151 and 152: subordinators, and to arguments of
Page 153 and 154: Hobbs J.R., D.E.Appelt, J.Bear, M.T
Page 155 and 156: SECTION II: ITALIAN TEXTS o La stor
Page 157 and 158: Mario criticava luigi perché ha ro
Page 159 and 160: 1. Introduction Since the beginning
Page 161 and 162: . ⎡FOCUS ⎤ ⎢PRED ‘wonder (
Page 163 and 164: (12) *ng- oingerang a mlarngii a be
Page 165 and 166: (17) a. Hine ha- simla še kaniti.
Page 167 and 168: have resumptive pronouns. Under the
Page 169 and 170: way to license the same f-structure
Page 171 and 172: (33) a. Robin met the man that/who
Page 173 and 174: licensed in the normal way by funct
Page 175 and 176: description of the situation. Borer
Page 177 and 178: http://cslipublications.stanford.ed
Page 179 and 180: A (Discourse) Functional Analysis o
Page 181 and 182: A multi-factorial LFG analysis of a
Page 183 and 184: (9) CP (↑ SUBJ)= ↓ ↑=↓ NP C
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Word Order Properties SGF coordinat
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4.1 Asymmetric Analyses Heycock and
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(25) (a) S 〈 der Jäger ging in d
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In sum, the Subject Functor Lineari
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first and second conjunct are disti
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In the Glue Semantics approach (see
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In the optimality-based model, mism
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complementiser (COMPL) may be exten
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BULGARIAN WORD ORDER AND THE ROLE O
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Bulgarian word order and the role o
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1 Introduction This paper deals wit
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(4) To nifiko itan raf-to (*apo ton
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That is, in example (6) the partici
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(22) To spiti fenotan egataleli-men
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state denoted by the adjective appe
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in Modern Greek bears the intrinsic
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In addition, the lexical representa
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In this way, we capture the intuiti
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(57) To fagito ine magire-meno/*mag
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Corpus-based Learning in Stochastic
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LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
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1. Introduction In this paper I wil
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This strategy has been outlined by
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The essence of the new approach is
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3.2. Control relations in Hungarian
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complements of the postposition ut
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offered a more detailed discussion,
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lexical form which argument of this
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Berkeley. pp. 18. (On-line publicat
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0. Abstract This paper attempts to
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'understand', oppgi 'state', opplev
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This property of raising to object
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(32) ved/fra å svømme by/from to
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(45) *Til å sove ser han ut to (PR
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(57) Å gjøre det er blitt tenkt p
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Second argument: The preposition do
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In Lødrup (2002), I show that most
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Teleman, Ulf, Staffan Hellberg and
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Abstract Majority of Bantu language
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No Object Agreement Bresnan and Mch
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(7) a. N-ä-ï- `m-lyì-á k-èlyá
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epresent 72% of the total of 312 se
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We can characterize more concretely
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(19) Markedness Subhierarchies a. *
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4.1 Hierarchy of Morphological Feat
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(30) Harmonic Alignment of (28) wit
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topic-anaphoricity (as a bound pron
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the present analysis highlights the
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Grimshaw, Jane. 2001. Economy of st
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CLITICS AND PHRASAL AFFIXATION IN C
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(2) (a) ...wedi eu gweld nhw. ASP C
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(7) IP (↑GF) = ↓ ↑ = ↓ NP I
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(14) (a) Jovan je čitao knjigu. Jo
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The Principle of Morphological Comp
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3.2 Serbian Pronominal Clitics A se
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Example (35) has the c-structure in
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(43) (a) čovek-: N (↑PRED) = ‘
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(52) (a) jučer: N (ADJ↑) (↑PRE
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Case Marking and Subject Extraction
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objects occur in VP or in I (“obj
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Coordinated structures (14) Peter o
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(20) Han hadde de trodd e ville kom
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(28) a. * Peter forventer [I’ [I
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One disadvantage of this approach i
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6.2 Case Assignment and Empty Categ
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Lets us consider the binding condit
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claims that subject extraction is n
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ham: N ( (SUBJ £ ) ¡ ((COMP SUBJ
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[Vikner and Schwartz, 1996] Vikner,
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. Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-lul mek-I-
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In (4a), the object of the simple d
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3. Morphological Causatives in Kore
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. Mary-ka ttal-pakkey sakwa-ul an m
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Firstly, objects in MC are asymmetr
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The asymmetries of double accusativ
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Abstract The paper describes a pres
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construction - in good style. • I
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Figure 4: Attributed adjectives (
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Aspects of the syntax of psychologi
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Despite the syntactic differences e
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e. (exists independently of the eve
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(10) Poco a poco, me enfadó que pe
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to (3), we can thematically charact
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we can derive the grammatical funct
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‘This book interests him (John).
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unaccusative verb, while interesar
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Roegiest, E. (1999). Objet direct p
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Abstract The aim of this paper is t
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(6) Pierre lui a fait écrire une l
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dative NPs that the examples (4) to
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verb. In some languages, like Engli
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(15) *J’ai convaincu de lui tél
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VP � V + V + (NP) + (PP) (��
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a number of signs (words or phrases
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��
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DAVIS, A. & P.-J. KOENIG (2000) Lin
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1. Introduction Subsumption and Equ
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an XCOMP attribute whose value is t
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(8) a. S|VP Æ NP* (V’) ( S|VP )
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inconsistency with erzählen. But i
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We revise the fronted S|VP expansio
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5. The interaction between PVPF and
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(28) Ein Aussenseiter versuchte hie
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. * Ein Aussenseiter gewonnen haben
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The use of subsumption addresses fu
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TIGER TRANSFER Utilizing LFG Parses
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is an additional way of ensuring co
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"tiger_4548: Hier herrscht Demokrat
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y a multi-set of OT marks, thereby
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sumably they cannot be fixed in pri
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¢¡¤£¦¥¦§©¨�£¦§�¥
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Macros and Templates The system all
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Ambiguous Predicates A simple examp
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HD−OUT TI−FORM herrscht, TI−M
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(ignoring PP-attachment for the eva
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Kameyama, Megumi, Ryo Ochitani, and
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