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References Bresnan, J. (2001). Lexical-Functional Syntax. Blackwell Publishers, Oxford. Büring, D. and Hartmann, K. (1998). Asymmetrische Koordinationen. Linguistische Berichte, 174:172– 201. Choi, H.-W. (1999). Optimizing Structure in Context. CSLI Publications, Stanford. Choi, H.-W. (2001). Phrase Structure, Information Structure, and Resolution of Mismatch. In Sells, P., editor, Formal and Empirical Issues in Optimality Theoretic Syntax, pages 17–62. CSLI Publications, Stanford. Dalrymple, M., editor (1999). Semantics and Syntax in Lexical Functional Grammar. MIT Press. Dalrymple, M. (2001). Lexical-Functional Grammar, volume 34 of Syntax and Semantics. Academic Press. Frank, A. (1994). V2 by underspecification or by lexical rule. Arbeitspapiere des SFB 340 Nr. 43, University of Stuttgart. 77 pages. Frank, A. (1997). Context Dependence in Modal Constructions. PhD thesis, Stuttgart University. 411 pages, published in: Arbeitspapiere des Sonderforschungsbereichs 340, Sprachtheoretische Grundlagen für die Computerlinguistik, Nr. 91. Frank, A. (2001). Treebank Conversion. Converting the NEGRA Treebank to an LTAG Grammar. In Proceedings of the Workshop on Multi-layer Corpus-based Analysis, pages 29–43, EUROLAN 2002 Summer Institute, Iasi, Romania. Frank, A. and Kamp, H. (1997). On Context Dependence in Modal Constructions. In Proceedings of SALT VII, Stanford University. CLC Publications, Cornell University. 19 pages. Haider, H. (1988). Matching projections. In Cardinaletti, A., Cinque, G., and Giusti, G., editors, Constituent Structure: Papers from the 1987 GLOW Conference, Venezia: Annali di Ca’Foscari XXXVII, pages 101– 121. Heycock, C. and Kroch, A. (1993). Verb movement and coordination in a dynamic theory of licensing. The Linguistic Review, 11:257–283. Höhle, T. (1983a). Subjektlücken in Koordinationen. Unpubl. manuscript, University of Cologne. Höhle, T. (1983b). Topologische felder. Unpublished manuscript, University of Cologne. Höhle, T. (1990). Assumptions about asymmetric coordination in German. In Mascaró, J. and Nespor, M., editors, Grammar in Progress, pages 221–235. Foris, Dordrecht. Kathol, A. (1995). Linearization-based German Syntax. PhD thesis, Ohio State University. Kathol, A. (1999). Linearization vs. phrase structure in German coordination constructions. Cognitive Linguistics, 10(4):303–342. Kehler, A. (2002). Coherence, Reference, and the Theory of Grammar. CSLI Publications, Stanford. Steedman, M. (1990). Gapping as constituent coordination. Linguistics and Philosophy, 13:207–264. Wunderlich, D. (1988). Some problems of coordination in german. In Reyle, U. and Rohrer, C., editors, Natural Language Parsing and Linguistic Theories, pages 289–316. Reidel, Dordrecht. 196
BULGARIAN WORD ORDER AND THE ROLE OF THE DIRECT OBJECT CLITIC IN LFG T. Florian Jaeger Veronica A. Gerassimova Linguistics Department, Stanford University Proceedings of the LFG02 Conference National Technical University of Athens, Athens Miriam Butt and Tracy Holloway King (Editors) 2002 CSLI Publications http://csli-publications.stanford.edu/ 197
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Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conferenc
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Table of Contents Asudeh, Ash 1-18
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The Syntax of Preverbal Particles a
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2 The Problem: Five Conflicting Cla
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(10) CP C ′ XP CP XP The outermos
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(18) CP C ′ C ∅ IP CP IP I I
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1-3, unless problematic assumptions
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(4c) *After [IP last year [IP she r
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The adjunction rule (36) does not b
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(8c) chun isteacht duit [CP[CP nuai
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work on non-projecting categories a
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Coordination and Parallelism in Glu
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Traditional Linear Duplication a, a
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(8) fred : fe see : fe ⊸ je ⊸ s
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us add the following additional con
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3.2 A General Semantic Schema for C
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approach also achieves correct resu
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In summary, to show that two deriva
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Extraction possible from initial (p
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5.3.2 Across-the-Board Extraction T
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Asudeh, Ash (in progress). Resumpti
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Montague, Richard (1974). Formal ph
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Abstract VP-chaining in Oriya (an I
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(3) haata dho-i bhaata khaa-i mun s
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Figure 4. Schematic representation
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the medicine is applied. If overtly
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The control equation in (13) establ
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intervening object and thus ‘kept
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Lexicon L(1): khi-aa-ga-laa: V L(2)
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(20) VP -> VP V' α � *α SIT-IND
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CONSTRAINT SYMMETRY IN OPTIMALITY T
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‘Juan hit that dog with a stick
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‘With what did Juan hit the dog?
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The unexpectedly bad candidate is (
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Amharic (Semitic, Ethiopia) is a pr
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31) Wïšša-w bä=Daniel bet atäg
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A functional PP must contain a head
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appear): A less well known example
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appear on the non-recursive side of
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Publications. Smith Stark, Thomas.
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Abstract The development of large c
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subj : spec : det : pred : the head
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could annotate the CFG rules extrac
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strings in the WSJ section of the P
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Annotation coverage is measured in
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Our grammars are extracted from sec
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Penn-II training set is discarded f
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grammatical functions are more akin
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forms to semi-automatically develop
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Predicate Argument Structure. In: P
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Abstract PARTITIVE NOUN PHRASES IN
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possessive partitives in (7) and (8
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Extraction of constituents of dativ
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iológiát [[az egyik-en]NP __ ]NP
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Unlike post-verbal constituent orde
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uncertainty. Adopting this idea, I
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accounts for genitive possessor nou
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(38) Hungarian TOPIC/SCOPE/FOCUS pa
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The rule in (41) shows that the top
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Payne, John and Erika Chisarik. (20
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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GETARUN PARSER Rodolfo Delmonte Abs
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vital aid in the actual development
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levels of representations required
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sentence starts with a verb we let
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adjunct_cp negat pro=CLI, {Case=acc
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4. Parsing Strategies and P
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qualified. The following list of pr
Page 149 and 150: structure rules, after the head has
Page 151 and 152: subordinators, and to arguments of
Page 153 and 154: Hobbs J.R., D.E.Appelt, J.Bear, M.T
Page 155 and 156: SECTION II: ITALIAN TEXTS o La stor
Page 157 and 158: Mario criticava luigi perché ha ro
Page 159 and 160: 1. Introduction Since the beginning
Page 161 and 162: . ⎡FOCUS ⎤ ⎢PRED ‘wonder (
Page 163 and 164: (12) *ng- oingerang a mlarngii a be
Page 165 and 166: (17) a. Hine ha- simla še kaniti.
Page 167 and 168: have resumptive pronouns. Under the
Page 169 and 170: way to license the same f-structure
Page 171 and 172: (33) a. Robin met the man that/who
Page 173 and 174: licensed in the normal way by funct
Page 175 and 176: description of the situation. Borer
Page 177 and 178: http://cslipublications.stanford.ed
Page 179 and 180: A (Discourse) Functional Analysis o
Page 181 and 182: A multi-factorial LFG analysis of a
Page 183 and 184: (9) CP (↑ SUBJ)= ↓ ↑=↓ NP C
Page 185 and 186: Word Order Properties SGF coordinat
Page 187 and 188: 4.1 Asymmetric Analyses Heycock and
Page 189 and 190: (25) (a) S 〈 der Jäger ging in d
Page 191 and 192: In sum, the Subject Functor Lineari
Page 193 and 194: first and second conjunct are disti
Page 195 and 196: In the Glue Semantics approach (see
Page 197 and 198: In the optimality-based model, mism
Page 199: complementiser (COMPL) may be exten
Page 203 and 204: Bulgarian word order and the role o
Page 225 and 226: 1 Introduction This paper deals wit
Page 227 and 228: (4) To nifiko itan raf-to (*apo ton
Page 229 and 230: That is, in example (6) the partici
Page 231 and 232: (22) To spiti fenotan egataleli-men
Page 233 and 234: state denoted by the adjective appe
Page 235 and 236: in Modern Greek bears the intrinsic
Page 237 and 238: In addition, the lexical representa
Page 239 and 240: In this way, we capture the intuiti
Page 241 and 242: (57) To fagito ine magire-meno/*mag
Page 243 and 244: Corpus-based Learning in Stochastic
Page 245 and 246: LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
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LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
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1. Introduction In this paper I wil
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This strategy has been outlined by
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The essence of the new approach is
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3.2. Control relations in Hungarian
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complements of the postposition ut
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offered a more detailed discussion,
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lexical form which argument of this
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Berkeley. pp. 18. (On-line publicat
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0. Abstract This paper attempts to
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'understand', oppgi 'state', opplev
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This property of raising to object
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(32) ved/fra å svømme by/from to
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(45) *Til å sove ser han ut to (PR
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(57) Å gjøre det er blitt tenkt p
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Second argument: The preposition do
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In Lødrup (2002), I show that most
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Teleman, Ulf, Staffan Hellberg and
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Abstract Majority of Bantu language
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No Object Agreement Bresnan and Mch
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(7) a. N-ä-ï- `m-lyì-á k-èlyá
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epresent 72% of the total of 312 se
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We can characterize more concretely
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(19) Markedness Subhierarchies a. *
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4.1 Hierarchy of Morphological Feat
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(30) Harmonic Alignment of (28) wit
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topic-anaphoricity (as a bound pron
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the present analysis highlights the
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Grimshaw, Jane. 2001. Economy of st
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CLITICS AND PHRASAL AFFIXATION IN C
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(2) (a) ...wedi eu gweld nhw. ASP C
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(7) IP (↑GF) = ↓ ↑ = ↓ NP I
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(14) (a) Jovan je čitao knjigu. Jo
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The Principle of Morphological Comp
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3.2 Serbian Pronominal Clitics A se
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Example (35) has the c-structure in
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(43) (a) čovek-: N (↑PRED) = ‘
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(52) (a) jučer: N (ADJ↑) (↑PRE
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Case Marking and Subject Extraction
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objects occur in VP or in I (“obj
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Coordinated structures (14) Peter o
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(20) Han hadde de trodd e ville kom
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(28) a. * Peter forventer [I’ [I
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One disadvantage of this approach i
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6.2 Case Assignment and Empty Categ
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Lets us consider the binding condit
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claims that subject extraction is n
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ham: N ( (SUBJ £ ) ¡ ((COMP SUBJ
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[Vikner and Schwartz, 1996] Vikner,
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. Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-lul mek-I-
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In (4a), the object of the simple d
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3. Morphological Causatives in Kore
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. Mary-ka ttal-pakkey sakwa-ul an m
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Firstly, objects in MC are asymmetr
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The asymmetries of double accusativ
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Abstract The paper describes a pres
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construction - in good style. • I
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Figure 4: Attributed adjectives (
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Aspects of the syntax of psychologi
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Despite the syntactic differences e
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e. (exists independently of the eve
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(10) Poco a poco, me enfadó que pe
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to (3), we can thematically charact
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we can derive the grammatical funct
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‘This book interests him (John).
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unaccusative verb, while interesar
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Roegiest, E. (1999). Objet direct p
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Abstract The aim of this paper is t
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(6) Pierre lui a fait écrire une l
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dative NPs that the examples (4) to
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verb. In some languages, like Engli
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(15) *J’ai convaincu de lui tél
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VP � V + V + (NP) + (PP) (��
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a number of signs (words or phrases
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��
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DAVIS, A. & P.-J. KOENIG (2000) Lin
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1. Introduction Subsumption and Equ
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an XCOMP attribute whose value is t
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(8) a. S|VP Æ NP* (V’) ( S|VP )
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inconsistency with erzählen. But i
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We revise the fronted S|VP expansio
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5. The interaction between PVPF and
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(28) Ein Aussenseiter versuchte hie
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. * Ein Aussenseiter gewonnen haben
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The use of subsumption addresses fu
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TIGER TRANSFER Utilizing LFG Parses
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is an additional way of ensuring co
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"tiger_4548: Hier herrscht Demokrat
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y a multi-set of OT marks, thereby
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sumably they cannot be fixed in pri
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¢¡¤£¦¥¦§©¨�£¦§�¥
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Macros and Templates The system all
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Ambiguous Predicates A simple examp
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HD−OUT TI−FORM herrscht, TI−M
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(ignoring PP-attachment for the eva
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Kameyama, Megumi, Ryo Ochitani, and
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