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compatible features, yielding three canonical case patterns for an accusative and ergative system, as shown in (27). (27) a. Intransitives b. Transitives c. Ditransitives �x �y �x �z �y �x [ hr] [+hr] [ hr] [+hr] [+hr] [ hr] [ lr] [ lr] [+lr] [ lr] [+lr] [+lr] ACC-system: NOM ACC NOM ACC DAT NOM ERG-system: ABS ABS ERG ABS DAT ERG For intransitive predicates, the sole argument is encoded by the features [ hr, lr]—there is no higher or lower role, and these features are compatible only with the Nominative case. For transitive predicates, x is the higher role and is specified as [ hr, +lr]—there is no higher role, and there is a lower role. In an accusative system, the argument will be realized by NOM, and the lower argument, specified as [+hr, lr] (there is a higher role and no lower role), is realized by ACC. In an ergative system, the higher role maps to ERG, and the lower role to ABS. For ditransitive predicates, the medial argument in the SF is specified as [+hr, +lr]—there is a higher role and a lower role, the most marked specifications, and is mapped to Dative. 6 Within this framework, Stiebels (2000) proposes the markedness scale of the relation between argument roles and their morphosyntactic realizations, shown in (28). It is important to note that [+hr] � [+lr] is not simply equivalent to “lowest argument” � “highest role” as in the (reversed) argument role hierarchy, or to “accusative” � “ergative” as in the case hierarchy (e.g. Comrie 1989, Wierzbicka 1981). It is precisely as it is stated: “accusative marking of the lowest role” � “ergative marking of the highest role”. I will refer to the hierarchy in (28) as the HIERARCHY OF MORPHOLOGICAL FEATURES for argument roles, or simply ‘argument feature hierarchy’. (28) [+hr] � [+lr] Read as: “Accusative marking of the lowest role is less marked than ergative marking of the highest role.” The system of argument linking adopted here therefore directly links argument roles and their morphosyntactic realizations. 4.2 Markedness Constraints Given the hierarchy of morphological features in (28) we can now formerly express the relative markedness of the relation between animacy/definiteness and morphological marking. Harmonic alignment of the argument feature hierarchy with the animacy hierarchy, again repeated here in (29), produces the markedness hierarchies shown in (30). (29) Animacy: Hum(an) � Anim(ate) � Inan(imate) 6 Other non-canonical case patterns (e.g. passive and antipassive, one of the arguments being lexically marked) are also possible under this theory of argument linking, and have been rigorously discussed in earlier work (cited at the beginning of this section) with a wide range of cross-linguistic data. 306
(30) Harmonic Alignment of (28) with the Animacy scale H � �℄: [+hr]/Hum � [+hr]/Anim � [+hr]/Inan H � Ð℄: [+lr]/Inan � [+lr]/Anim � [+lr]/Hum The harmonic alignment of [+hr] with the animacy scale, referred to as H � �℄, states that [+hr]— accusative marking of the lower role—that is human is less marked (more harmonic, prototypical) than accusative marking of the lower role that is animate, and that is less marked than accusative marking of the lower role that is inanimate. In other words, human objects are marked, and as such, overt morphological (or morphosyntactic) marking of these marked objects is expected. Conversely, the harmonic alignment of [+lr] with animacy, referred to as H � Ð℄, states that [+lr]— ergative marking of the higher role—that is inanimate is less marked than ergative marking of the higher animate role, and that is less marked than ergative marking of the highest human role. In the present discussion, only the harmonic alignment H � �℄ will be relevant. The constraint subhierarchies derived through the harmonic alignment in (30) are given in (31). Starting from the top (left-most), the constraints in the subhierarchy C � �℄ is interpreted as “avoid [+hr]—accusative marking of the lower role—that is inanimate”. In other words, an unmarked, prototypical object type such as an inanimate object should not be overtly marked. Given the fixed subhierarchy, accusative marking of inanimate [+hr] will be the most severely penalized, and accusative marking of animate [+hr] is more severely penalized than accusative marking of human [+hr]. Conversely, ergative marking of the higher role should be avoided when it is human, the most prototypical subject type. The constraint subhierarchies for [+lr] thus describes split ergativity in morphologically ergative languages: ergative case marking is avoided for subjects when they are high in animacy (cf. Dixon 1979, 1994). (31) Constraint subhierarchies on the dimension of animacy C � �℄: *[+hr]/Inan � *[+hr]/Anim � *[+hr]/Hum C � Ð℄: *[+lr]/Hum � *[+lr]/Anim � *[+lr]/Inan These constraint subhierarchies thus express the same form-function relations as those proposed by Aissen. But while Aissen’s constraint system imposes a positive constraint—that marked objects must be formally marked, the present system imposes a negative constraint: unmarked object type must not be formally marked. Along the dimension of definiteness, repeated again in (32), we arrive at the harmonic alignment in (33). (32) Definiteness: Pronoun � Name � Definite � IndefSpec � Non-specific (33) Harmonic Alignment of (28) with the Animacy scale H � �℄: [+hr]/Pro � [+hr]/Name � [+hr]/Def � [+hr]/IndefSpec � [+hr]/NSpec H � Ð℄: [+lr]/NSpec � [+lr]/IndefSpec � [+lr]/Def � [+lr]/Name � [+lr]/Pro 307
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Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conferenc
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Table of Contents Asudeh, Ash 1-18
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The Syntax of Preverbal Particles a
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2 The Problem: Five Conflicting Cla
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(10) CP C ′ XP CP XP The outermos
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(18) CP C ′ C ∅ IP CP IP I I
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1-3, unless problematic assumptions
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(4c) *After [IP last year [IP she r
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The adjunction rule (36) does not b
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(8c) chun isteacht duit [CP[CP nuai
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work on non-projecting categories a
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Coordination and Parallelism in Glu
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Traditional Linear Duplication a, a
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(8) fred : fe see : fe ⊸ je ⊸ s
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us add the following additional con
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3.2 A General Semantic Schema for C
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approach also achieves correct resu
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In summary, to show that two deriva
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Extraction possible from initial (p
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5.3.2 Across-the-Board Extraction T
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Asudeh, Ash (in progress). Resumpti
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Montague, Richard (1974). Formal ph
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Abstract VP-chaining in Oriya (an I
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(3) haata dho-i bhaata khaa-i mun s
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Figure 4. Schematic representation
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the medicine is applied. If overtly
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The control equation in (13) establ
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intervening object and thus ‘kept
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Lexicon L(1): khi-aa-ga-laa: V L(2)
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(20) VP -> VP V' α � *α SIT-IND
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CONSTRAINT SYMMETRY IN OPTIMALITY T
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‘Juan hit that dog with a stick
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‘With what did Juan hit the dog?
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The unexpectedly bad candidate is (
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Amharic (Semitic, Ethiopia) is a pr
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31) Wïšša-w bä=Daniel bet atäg
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A functional PP must contain a head
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appear): A less well known example
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appear on the non-recursive side of
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Publications. Smith Stark, Thomas.
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Abstract The development of large c
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subj : spec : det : pred : the head
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could annotate the CFG rules extrac
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strings in the WSJ section of the P
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Annotation coverage is measured in
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Our grammars are extracted from sec
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Penn-II training set is discarded f
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grammatical functions are more akin
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forms to semi-automatically develop
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Predicate Argument Structure. In: P
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Abstract PARTITIVE NOUN PHRASES IN
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possessive partitives in (7) and (8
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Extraction of constituents of dativ
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iológiát [[az egyik-en]NP __ ]NP
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Unlike post-verbal constituent orde
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uncertainty. Adopting this idea, I
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accounts for genitive possessor nou
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(38) Hungarian TOPIC/SCOPE/FOCUS pa
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The rule in (41) shows that the top
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Payne, John and Erika Chisarik. (20
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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GETARUN PARSER Rodolfo Delmonte Abs
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vital aid in the actual development
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levels of representations required
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sentence starts with a verb we let
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adjunct_cp negat pro=CLI, {Case=acc
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4. Parsing Strategies and P
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qualified. The following list of pr
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structure rules, after the head has
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subordinators, and to arguments of
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Hobbs J.R., D.E.Appelt, J.Bear, M.T
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SECTION II: ITALIAN TEXTS o La stor
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Mario criticava luigi perché ha ro
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1. Introduction Since the beginning
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. ⎡FOCUS ⎤ ⎢PRED ‘wonder (
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(12) *ng- oingerang a mlarngii a be
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(17) a. Hine ha- simla še kaniti.
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have resumptive pronouns. Under the
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way to license the same f-structure
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(33) a. Robin met the man that/who
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licensed in the normal way by funct
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description of the situation. Borer
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http://cslipublications.stanford.ed
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A (Discourse) Functional Analysis o
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A multi-factorial LFG analysis of a
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(9) CP (↑ SUBJ)= ↓ ↑=↓ NP C
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Word Order Properties SGF coordinat
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4.1 Asymmetric Analyses Heycock and
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(25) (a) S 〈 der Jäger ging in d
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In sum, the Subject Functor Lineari
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first and second conjunct are disti
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In the Glue Semantics approach (see
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In the optimality-based model, mism
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complementiser (COMPL) may be exten
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BULGARIAN WORD ORDER AND THE ROLE O
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Bulgarian word order and the role o
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1 Introduction This paper deals wit
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(4) To nifiko itan raf-to (*apo ton
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That is, in example (6) the partici
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(22) To spiti fenotan egataleli-men
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state denoted by the adjective appe
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in Modern Greek bears the intrinsic
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In addition, the lexical representa
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In this way, we capture the intuiti
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(57) To fagito ine magire-meno/*mag
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Corpus-based Learning in Stochastic
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LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
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Page 259 and 260: LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
Page 261 and 262: LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
Page 263 and 264: 1. Introduction In this paper I wil
Page 265 and 266: This strategy has been outlined by
Page 267 and 268: The essence of the new approach is
Page 269 and 270: 3.2. Control relations in Hungarian
Page 271 and 272: complements of the postposition ut
Page 273 and 274: offered a more detailed discussion,
Page 275 and 276: lexical form which argument of this
Page 277 and 278: Berkeley. pp. 18. (On-line publicat
Page 279 and 280: 0. Abstract This paper attempts to
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Page 283 and 284: This property of raising to object
Page 285 and 286: (32) ved/fra å svømme by/from to
Page 287 and 288: (45) *Til å sove ser han ut to (PR
Page 289 and 290: (57) Å gjøre det er blitt tenkt p
Page 291 and 292: Second argument: The preposition do
Page 293 and 294: In Lødrup (2002), I show that most
Page 295 and 296: Teleman, Ulf, Staffan Hellberg and
Page 297 and 298: Abstract Majority of Bantu language
Page 299 and 300: No Object Agreement Bresnan and Mch
Page 301 and 302: (7) a. N-ä-ï- `m-lyì-á k-èlyá
Page 303 and 304: epresent 72% of the total of 312 se
Page 305 and 306: We can characterize more concretely
Page 307 and 308: (19) Markedness Subhierarchies a. *
Page 309: 4.1 Hierarchy of Morphological Feat
Page 313 and 314: topic-anaphoricity (as a bound pron
Page 315 and 316: the present analysis highlights the
Page 317 and 318: Grimshaw, Jane. 2001. Economy of st
Page 319 and 320: CLITICS AND PHRASAL AFFIXATION IN C
Page 321 and 322: (2) (a) ...wedi eu gweld nhw. ASP C
Page 323 and 324: (7) IP (↑GF) = ↓ ↑ = ↓ NP I
Page 325 and 326: (14) (a) Jovan je čitao knjigu. Jo
Page 327 and 328: The Principle of Morphological Comp
Page 329 and 330: 3.2 Serbian Pronominal Clitics A se
Page 331 and 332: Example (35) has the c-structure in
Page 333 and 334: (43) (a) čovek-: N (↑PRED) = ‘
Page 335 and 336: (52) (a) jučer: N (ADJ↑) (↑PRE
Page 337 and 338: Case Marking and Subject Extraction
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Page 341 and 342: Coordinated structures (14) Peter o
Page 343 and 344: (20) Han hadde de trodd e ville kom
Page 345 and 346: (28) a. * Peter forventer [I’ [I
Page 347 and 348: One disadvantage of this approach i
Page 349 and 350: 6.2 Case Assignment and Empty Categ
Page 351 and 352: Lets us consider the binding condit
Page 353 and 354: claims that subject extraction is n
Page 355 and 356: ham: N ( (SUBJ £ ) ¡ ((COMP SUBJ
Page 357 and 358: [Vikner and Schwartz, 1996] Vikner,
Page 359 and 360: . Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-lul mek-I-
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In (4a), the object of the simple d
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3. Morphological Causatives in Kore
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. Mary-ka ttal-pakkey sakwa-ul an m
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Firstly, objects in MC are asymmetr
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The asymmetries of double accusativ
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Abstract The paper describes a pres
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construction - in good style. • I
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Figure 4: Attributed adjectives (
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Aspects of the syntax of psychologi
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Despite the syntactic differences e
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e. (exists independently of the eve
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(10) Poco a poco, me enfadó que pe
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to (3), we can thematically charact
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we can derive the grammatical funct
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‘This book interests him (John).
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unaccusative verb, while interesar
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Roegiest, E. (1999). Objet direct p
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Abstract The aim of this paper is t
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(6) Pierre lui a fait écrire une l
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dative NPs that the examples (4) to
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verb. In some languages, like Engli
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(15) *J’ai convaincu de lui tél
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VP � V + V + (NP) + (PP) (��
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a number of signs (words or phrases
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��
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DAVIS, A. & P.-J. KOENIG (2000) Lin
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1. Introduction Subsumption and Equ
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an XCOMP attribute whose value is t
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(8) a. S|VP Æ NP* (V’) ( S|VP )
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inconsistency with erzählen. But i
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We revise the fronted S|VP expansio
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5. The interaction between PVPF and
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(28) Ein Aussenseiter versuchte hie
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. * Ein Aussenseiter gewonnen haben
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The use of subsumption addresses fu
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TIGER TRANSFER Utilizing LFG Parses
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is an additional way of ensuring co
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"tiger_4548: Hier herrscht Demokrat
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y a multi-set of OT marks, thereby
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sumably they cannot be fixed in pri
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¢¡¤£¦¥¦§©¨�£¦§�¥
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Macros and Templates The system all
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Ambiguous Predicates A simple examp
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HD−OUT TI−FORM herrscht, TI−M
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(ignoring PP-attachment for the eva
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Kameyama, Megumi, Ryo Ochitani, and
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