Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conference National Technical - CSLI ...

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the resulting trees with our f-structure annotation algorithm and generate proto-fstructures. By contrast, in the integrated architecture we firstautomatically annotate the treebank trees with f-structure information and then extract an annotated PCFG (A-PCFG) from the treebank. We then use the A-PCFG to parse new text to generate proto-f-structures. The paper is structured as follows: first, we briefly describe the automatic fstructure annotation algorithm and proto-f-structure representations. Second, we introduce our two parsing architectures: the pipeline model and the integrated model. Third, we evaluate our approaches quantitatively and qualitatively in terms of f-structure fragmentation and precision and recall results against trees and manually encoded gold standard f-structures. We also compare our results with a PCFG resulting from a parent transformation as discussed in [Johnson, 1999] and we conduct a number of thresholding grammar compaction experiments [Krotov et al, 1998]. We briefly compare our approach with that of [Riezler et al, 2002]. Fourth, we outline further work on “proper ” (rather than “proto-”) f-structures and finally, we summarise and conclude. 2 An Automatic F-Structure Annotation Algorithm In this section we describe our automatic f-structure annotation algorithm by means of an example. Consider the following Penn-II treebank tree: (S (NP-SBJ (DT The) (NN investment) (NN community)) (, ,) (PP (IN for) (NP (CD one))) (, ,) (VP (VBZ has) (VP (VBN been) (VP (VBG anticipating) (NP (DT a) (JJ speedy) (NN resolution))))) (. .)) In LFG this tree would be associated with an f-structure of the following form representing abstract syntactic information approximating to predicate-argumentmodifier(or: rich dependency-) structure: 1 1 Note that our f-structures are more hierarchical with XCOMP functions for temporal and aspectual auxiliaries than e.g. the f-structures given in [Butt et al, 1999]. The repetition of the subject NP 78
subj : spec : det : pred : the headmod : 1 : num : sg pers : 3 pred : investment num : sg pers : 3 pred : community adjunct : 1 : obj : pred : one pred : for xcomp : subj : spec : det : pred : the headmod : 1 : num : sg pers : 3 pred : investment num : sg pers : 3 pred : community xcomp : subj : spec : det : pred : the headmod : 1 : num : sg pers : 3 pred : investment num : sg pers : 3 pred : community obj : spec : det : pred : a adjunct : 2 : pred : speedy pred : resolution num : sg pers : 3 participle : pres pred : anticipate pred : be tense : past pred : have tense : pres F-structures are associated with strings and their parse trees (c-structures) in terms of annotating nodes in parse trees (and hence the corresponding CFG rules) with f-structure annotations (in simple cases, attribute value structure equations; more generally, expressions in a full equality logic including disjunction, negation etc. [Johnson, 1988]). The f-structure in our example would be induced by the following annotated CFG rules is due to a reentrancy ( SUBJ = XCOMP SUBJ) annotation in the VP rule. 79
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Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conferenc
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Table of Contents Asudeh, Ash 1-18
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The Syntax of Preverbal Particles a
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2 The Problem: Five Conflicting Cla
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(10) CP C ′ XP CP XP The outermos
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(18) CP C ′ C ∅ IP CP IP I I
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1-3, unless problematic assumptions
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(4c) *After [IP last year [IP she r
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The adjunction rule (36) does not b
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(8c) chun isteacht duit [CP[CP nuai
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work on non-projecting categories a
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Coordination and Parallelism in Glu
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Traditional Linear Duplication a, a
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(8) fred : fe see : fe ⊸ je ⊸ s
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us add the following additional con
Page 31 and 32: 3.2 A General Semantic Schema for C
Page 33 and 34: approach also achieves correct resu
Page 35 and 36: In summary, to show that two deriva
Page 37 and 38: Extraction possible from initial (p
Page 39 and 40: 5.3.2 Across-the-Board Extraction T
Page 41 and 42: Asudeh, Ash (in progress). Resumpti
Page 43 and 44: Montague, Richard (1974). Formal ph
Page 45 and 46: Abstract VP-chaining in Oriya (an I
Page 47 and 48: (3) haata dho-i bhaata khaa-i mun s
Page 49 and 50: Figure 4. Schematic representation
Page 51 and 52: the medicine is applied. If overtly
Page 53 and 54: The control equation in (13) establ
Page 55 and 56: intervening object and thus ‘kept
Page 57 and 58: Lexicon L(1): khi-aa-ga-laa: V L(2)
Page 59 and 60: (20) VP -> VP V' α � *α SIT-IND
Page 61 and 62: CONSTRAINT SYMMETRY IN OPTIMALITY T
Page 63 and 64: ‘Juan hit that dog with a stick
Page 65 and 66: ‘With what did Juan hit the dog?
Page 67 and 68: The unexpectedly bad candidate is (
Page 69 and 70: Amharic (Semitic, Ethiopia) is a pr
Page 71 and 72: 31) Wïšša-w bä=Daniel bet atäg
Page 73 and 74: A functional PP must contain a head
Page 75 and 76: appear): A less well known example
Page 77 and 78: appear on the non-recursive side of
Page 79 and 80: Publications. Smith Stark, Thomas.
Page 81: Abstract The development of large c
Page 85 and 86: could annotate the CFG rules extrac
Page 87 and 88: strings in the WSJ section of the P
Page 89 and 90: Annotation coverage is measured in
Page 91 and 92: Our grammars are extracted from sec
Page 93 and 94: Penn-II training set is discarded f
Page 95 and 96: grammatical functions are more akin
Page 97 and 98: forms to semi-automatically develop
Page 99 and 100: Predicate Argument Structure. In: P
Page 101 and 102: Abstract PARTITIVE NOUN PHRASES IN
Page 103 and 104: possessive partitives in (7) and (8
Page 105 and 106: Extraction of constituents of dativ
Page 107 and 108: iológiát [[az egyik-en]NP __ ]NP
Page 109 and 110: Unlike post-verbal constituent orde
Page 111 and 112: uncertainty. Adopting this idea, I
Page 113 and 114: accounts for genitive possessor nou
Page 115 and 116: (38) Hungarian TOPIC/SCOPE/FOCUS pa
Page 117 and 118: The rule in (41) shows that the top
Page 119 and 120: Payne, John and Erika Chisarik. (20
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Page 125 and 126: ��
Page 127 and 128: ��
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��
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GETARUN PARSER Rodolfo Delmonte Abs
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vital aid in the actual development
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levels of representations required
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sentence starts with a verb we let
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adjunct_cp negat pro=CLI, {Case=acc
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4. Parsing Strategies and P
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qualified. The following list of pr
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structure rules, after the head has
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subordinators, and to arguments of
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Hobbs J.R., D.E.Appelt, J.Bear, M.T
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SECTION II: ITALIAN TEXTS o La stor
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Mario criticava luigi perché ha ro
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1. Introduction Since the beginning
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. ⎡FOCUS ⎤ ⎢PRED ‘wonder (
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(12) *ng- oingerang a mlarngii a be
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(17) a. Hine ha- simla še kaniti.
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have resumptive pronouns. Under the
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way to license the same f-structure
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(33) a. Robin met the man that/who
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licensed in the normal way by funct
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description of the situation. Borer
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http://cslipublications.stanford.ed
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A (Discourse) Functional Analysis o
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A multi-factorial LFG analysis of a
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(9) CP (↑ SUBJ)= ↓ ↑=↓ NP C
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Word Order Properties SGF coordinat
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4.1 Asymmetric Analyses Heycock and
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(25) (a) S 〈 der Jäger ging in d
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In sum, the Subject Functor Lineari
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first and second conjunct are disti
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In the Glue Semantics approach (see
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In the optimality-based model, mism
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complementiser (COMPL) may be exten
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BULGARIAN WORD ORDER AND THE ROLE O
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Bulgarian word order and the role o
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1 Introduction This paper deals wit
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(4) To nifiko itan raf-to (*apo ton
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That is, in example (6) the partici
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(22) To spiti fenotan egataleli-men
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state denoted by the adjective appe
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in Modern Greek bears the intrinsic
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In addition, the lexical representa
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In this way, we capture the intuiti
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(57) To fagito ine magire-meno/*mag
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Corpus-based Learning in Stochastic
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LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
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1. Introduction In this paper I wil
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This strategy has been outlined by
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The essence of the new approach is
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3.2. Control relations in Hungarian
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complements of the postposition ut
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offered a more detailed discussion,
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lexical form which argument of this
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Berkeley. pp. 18. (On-line publicat
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0. Abstract This paper attempts to
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'understand', oppgi 'state', opplev
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This property of raising to object
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(32) ved/fra å svømme by/from to
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(45) *Til å sove ser han ut to (PR
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(57) Å gjøre det er blitt tenkt p
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Second argument: The preposition do
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In Lødrup (2002), I show that most
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Teleman, Ulf, Staffan Hellberg and
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Abstract Majority of Bantu language
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No Object Agreement Bresnan and Mch
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(7) a. N-ä-ï- `m-lyì-á k-èlyá
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epresent 72% of the total of 312 se
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We can characterize more concretely
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(19) Markedness Subhierarchies a. *
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4.1 Hierarchy of Morphological Feat
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(30) Harmonic Alignment of (28) wit
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topic-anaphoricity (as a bound pron
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the present analysis highlights the
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Grimshaw, Jane. 2001. Economy of st
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CLITICS AND PHRASAL AFFIXATION IN C
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(2) (a) ...wedi eu gweld nhw. ASP C
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(7) IP (↑GF) = ↓ ↑ = ↓ NP I
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(14) (a) Jovan je čitao knjigu. Jo
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The Principle of Morphological Comp
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3.2 Serbian Pronominal Clitics A se
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Example (35) has the c-structure in
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(43) (a) čovek-: N (↑PRED) = ‘
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(52) (a) jučer: N (ADJ↑) (↑PRE
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Case Marking and Subject Extraction
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objects occur in VP or in I (“obj
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Coordinated structures (14) Peter o
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(20) Han hadde de trodd e ville kom
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(28) a. * Peter forventer [I’ [I
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One disadvantage of this approach i
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6.2 Case Assignment and Empty Categ
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Lets us consider the binding condit
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claims that subject extraction is n
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ham: N ( (SUBJ £ ) ¡ ((COMP SUBJ
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[Vikner and Schwartz, 1996] Vikner,
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. Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-lul mek-I-
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In (4a), the object of the simple d
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3. Morphological Causatives in Kore
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. Mary-ka ttal-pakkey sakwa-ul an m
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Firstly, objects in MC are asymmetr
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The asymmetries of double accusativ
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Abstract The paper describes a pres
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construction - in good style. • I
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Figure 4: Attributed adjectives (
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Aspects of the syntax of psychologi
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Despite the syntactic differences e
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e. (exists independently of the eve
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(10) Poco a poco, me enfadó que pe
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to (3), we can thematically charact
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we can derive the grammatical funct
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‘This book interests him (John).
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unaccusative verb, while interesar
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Roegiest, E. (1999). Objet direct p
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Abstract The aim of this paper is t
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(6) Pierre lui a fait écrire une l
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dative NPs that the examples (4) to
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verb. In some languages, like Engli
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(15) *J’ai convaincu de lui tél
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VP � V + V + (NP) + (PP) (��
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a number of signs (words or phrases
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��
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DAVIS, A. & P.-J. KOENIG (2000) Lin
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1. Introduction Subsumption and Equ
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an XCOMP attribute whose value is t
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(8) a. S|VP Æ NP* (V’) ( S|VP )
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inconsistency with erzählen. But i
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We revise the fronted S|VP expansio
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5. The interaction between PVPF and
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(28) Ein Aussenseiter versuchte hie
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. * Ein Aussenseiter gewonnen haben
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The use of subsumption addresses fu
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TIGER TRANSFER Utilizing LFG Parses
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is an additional way of ensuring co
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"tiger_4548: Hier herrscht Demokrat
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y a multi-set of OT marks, thereby
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sumably they cannot be fixed in pri
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¢¡¤£¦¥¦§©¨�£¦§�¥
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Macros and Templates The system all
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Ambiguous Predicates A simple examp
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HD−OUT TI−FORM herrscht, TI−M
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(ignoring PP-attachment for the eva
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Kameyama, Megumi, Ryo Ochitani, and
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