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turkish-greek civic dialogue - AEGEE Europe

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The religion constituted a basic element of these populations’ identity that<br />

couldn’t be distinguished racially, according to the class or in professional<br />

terms from the Muslims, but only in religious terms. Thus, the collective<br />

experience and the sentimental background that united them in a community<br />

played a very important role and not the dogmatic theological attachment in<br />

any detail that was described in Bible or in the decisions of the Holy Sessions.<br />

However, the Church, beyond its symbolic dimensions, had also a material<br />

presence in the life of the residents. The priest of community practised a line<br />

of functions of administrative character, acting as the intellectual top of the<br />

community. Thus, the Orthodox Church carried out two roles: from the one<br />

side, it constituted the core of these populations’ collective identity and from<br />

the other side; it functioned as the institutional organizer and representative<br />

of this collective identity in all levels.<br />

It was the Orthodox Christian identity that firstly allowed in these populations<br />

to consider themselves as Greeks.<br />

The beginning of the First World War, the invasion of Russia in the regions of<br />

Ottoman Pont, the support that the Greeks provided in the Russians and the<br />

later efforts of the constitution of an independent state of Pont had negative<br />

consequences for the populations of the region. Generally, the region of Pont<br />

and, more specifically, its western side, became the theatre of exceptionally<br />

violent conflict between Muslim and Christian armed teams, with main victims<br />

civilians of all nationalities.<br />

The conclusion of the adventure of Minor Asia and the signing of Treaty of Lausanne<br />

put an end in the conflicts. Those who survived from the implementations, the<br />

deportations, the hardships and the war left from Pont, most times without<br />

being able to transfer almost nothing apart from their personal belongings.<br />

They left towards either to the Russian Caucasus or via Sampsounta by boat<br />

to Istanbul. There, the Pont’s inhabitants, after being stacked in thousands in<br />

settlements of refugees, lived the hunger and the cold; they survived from the<br />

contagious illnesses that killed thousands of their own people and, after a few<br />

months, they passed by boats in Greece.<br />

In any case, we can suppose that roughly the one fifth from them was supposed<br />

to have as its basic language the Turkish.<br />

Association des Etats Généraux des Etudiants de L’<strong>Europe</strong><br />

The Turkish-speaking Pont’s inhabitants were distributed in almost all the<br />

prefectures of Greek Macedonia and Western Thrace. There, they continued,<br />

in general lines, their rural life. They faced the problems that all the refugees<br />

went through: hunger, sordid conditions of hygiene, lack of roof, social<br />

alienation.<br />

The contact of refugees with the natives can be characterized as a traumatic<br />

cultural shock. The wider environment faced the refugees circumspectively<br />

and, sometimes, hostile, in individual and collective level, even touching the<br />

limits of racism. The disputes that resulted for economic questions, like that of<br />

the distribution of grounds, they deplored the population for a lot of years and<br />

made the issue of relation between natives and refugees thorny.<br />

The element that impended even more the relations between the Turkish-<br />

speaking Pont’s inhabitants and the remainder indigenous populations was<br />

mainly the language. Even if the official Greek government’s policy did not<br />

identify the Greek character with the language that the populations were<br />

speaking, the speech of Turkish language was considered as mark of not<br />

national “cleanliness” by the mass of Greek-speaking indigenous populations.<br />

Apart from the locals, it seemed that, quite often, the Greek-speaking Pont’s<br />

populations were also hostile or suspicious in front of the Turkish-speaking<br />

Pont’s inhabitants. The language functioned simultaneously as that symbolic<br />

border that it determined them as a separate team in the borders of the Greek<br />

national state.<br />

The strict inbreeding strengthened the isolation of these populations,<br />

contributing, thus, in the intensification of their different identity. We had to<br />

reach the decade 1950, so that an important part of Turkish-speaking Pont’s<br />

inhabitants learns to speak the Greek language. Those that initially learned it<br />

were the men, mainly through their military service in the army. Furthermore,<br />

an enormous effort was exerted for the learning of language via the school.<br />

Special attention was given in the linguistic Hellenisation of Turkish-speaking<br />

by various Venizelos’ supporters, who with various activities tried to find<br />

resources and a way to found schools in the villages of the Turkish-speaking<br />

people. A little time later, during the Metaksas’ dictatorship, it seems that<br />

efforts were made for obligatory study of all the Turkish-speaking people in<br />

nightly schools.<br />

Population Exchange<br />

143

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