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eTheses Repository - University of Birmingham

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p.84, p.88) follows Alden (1981, 218; 322-324; Sjoberg 2004, 82) in suggesting that the<br />

increase in number <strong>of</strong> chamber tombs in LHIIIA2 Argolid was the result <strong>of</strong> better-organised<br />

agriculture imposed upon society by the palaces.<br />

In a similar manner, it may be suggested that ‘simple’ tomb types, such as the cist grave, are<br />

indicative <strong>of</strong> the lower social status and wealth <strong>of</strong> a group in a hierarchical society, because<br />

they would perhaps need less skill to build. However, Lewartowski (1995, p.104) states that<br />

the construction <strong>of</strong> ‘simple’ graves such as cist tombs requires a great investment <strong>of</strong> time and<br />

energy in comparison to the reopening and reusing <strong>of</strong> an already built chamber or tholos<br />

tomb. If low social status was to be equated with simple tomb types, then it seems skill or<br />

lack <strong>of</strong> resources would not be the defining factor, but rather whether permission to reopen<br />

existing monumental tombs had been granted to certain sectors <strong>of</strong> society. Moreover, there is<br />

reason to suppose that tomb type did not strictly correspond to the status or wealth <strong>of</strong> the<br />

person buried as assumed, or at least not in the same way that grave goods could, although<br />

this is discussed below. This is something that cannot be assumed for the whole <strong>of</strong> the Greek<br />

world in the LBA. Dickinson (1994, p.228) concludes that although tholoi may have had<br />

particular connections with the elite at some places, choice <strong>of</strong> tomb may have more to do with<br />

regional or family tradition and preferences than purely wealth or status. He uses examples <strong>of</strong><br />

cist graves at Athens and Iolkos that are as richly endowed as some chamber and tholos<br />

tombs.<br />

There is, however, a problem with directly relating wealth in a grave to wealth <strong>of</strong> the living<br />

person. Voutsaki (1995) in her analysis <strong>of</strong> grave goods accepts that there is risk in ascribing<br />

value to objects based on modern concepts <strong>of</strong> wealth. The argument that objects not made <strong>of</strong><br />

high value metals are therefore not <strong>of</strong> great worth ignores how value may have been assigned<br />

in the past (1995, p.56). In addition, designating value on basis <strong>of</strong> quality is strongly tied to<br />

163

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