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The Historiographical Development of the Concept “mfecane” and ...

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including <strong>the</strong>ir livestock <strong>and</strong> sometimes also <strong>the</strong>ir wives <strong>and</strong> children, as<br />

punishment for a crime. 50 In <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r examples it was reported that an<br />

aggressor chiefdom was “eating up” or “devouring” <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong> or certain<br />

chiefdoms. Here <strong>the</strong> idiom stood for raiding, stealing <strong>of</strong> livestock as well as<br />

o<strong>the</strong>r food, <strong>and</strong> thus bringing hardship to <strong>the</strong> victims. 51 <strong>The</strong> practice <strong>of</strong> seeing<br />

cannibals in <strong>the</strong> mfecane narrative is thus based on a priori ideas from <strong>the</strong><br />

European “Image <strong>of</strong> Africa”, which was activated through <strong>the</strong> literal translation<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> idiom “eating up”, reaching its gothic excess in Ellenberger’s gruesome<br />

calculation <strong>of</strong> 300 000 Sotho-speaking people being eaten during <strong>the</strong> six worst<br />

years <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mfecane by four thous<strong>and</strong> “cannibals”. 52<br />

<strong>The</strong>re is also a connection between cannibalism <strong>and</strong> slavery in <strong>the</strong> mfecane<br />

literature. An analysis <strong>of</strong> nursery tales from <strong>the</strong> Transkei <strong>of</strong> 1875 shows that<br />

cannibals in Xhosa oral literature abducted only girls <strong>and</strong> young women,<br />

ostensibly to “eat” <strong>the</strong>m, but in reality <strong>the</strong>y were put to work <strong>and</strong> thus were<br />

actually slaves. 53 This was also reported by Wangemann, who found in Pedi<br />

oral literature cannibals stealing people allegedly as a food source. But<br />

escapees reported that <strong>the</strong>y were put to work <strong>and</strong> not eaten. 54 Callaway in his<br />

book on oral literature <strong>of</strong> Natal in 1867 went on to state <strong>the</strong> logical conclusion<br />

that, ‘it is probable that <strong>the</strong> native accounts <strong>of</strong> cannibals are for <strong>the</strong> most part,<br />

<strong>the</strong> traditional record <strong>of</strong> incursions <strong>of</strong> foreign slave hunters’. He <strong>the</strong>n explained<br />

that for Africans something that is eaten is utterly wasted <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> extraction <strong>of</strong><br />

slaves from a society was seen as equivalent to being eaten. 55 Ayliff, in his<br />

50 Isaacs, Travels <strong>and</strong> Adventures, II, 49.<br />

51 See Footnote no. 39. Isaacs, Travels <strong>and</strong> Adventures, I, 139-140. Arbousset et al., Narrative<br />

<strong>of</strong> an Exploratory Tour, 54-79, 271, 287, map.<br />

52 Ellenberger, History <strong>of</strong> Basuto, 222-25. He assumed arbitrarily that <strong>the</strong>re were 4 000<br />

cannibals living in <strong>the</strong> greater Caledon Valley area, each eating one person per month, which<br />

equals 48 000 people per year times 6 years = 300 000 people eaten.<br />

53 T. ‘Kaffir Nursery Tales’, <strong>The</strong> Cape Monthly Magazine, 9 to 10 (October 1874 - July 1875). T<br />

was possibly <strong>The</strong>al, see <strong>the</strong> discussion in connection with Mhlanga, ‘Story <strong>of</strong> Native Wars’, 248-<br />

52, in Chapter 4.<br />

54 Wangemann, Lebensbilder, 95-100.<br />

55 Callaway, Nursery Tales, 159.<br />

194

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