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The Historiographical Development of the Concept “mfecane” and ...

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eliable sources <strong>of</strong> information but as sources <strong>of</strong> information about <strong>the</strong> past that<br />

demonstrate <strong>the</strong> norms <strong>and</strong> values <strong>and</strong> peoples’ perceptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own<br />

past’. 61<br />

Mfecane Historiography after 1928<br />

In 1928 Walker, when taking <strong>The</strong>al’s Zulu-centric, geographically-integrated<br />

mfecane narrative <strong>and</strong> giving it a Xhosa neologistic name, Mfecane,<br />

transformed this history into something which was larger than <strong>the</strong> sum <strong>of</strong> its<br />

parts. This was <strong>the</strong> version <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mfecane narrative which had been repeated<br />

virtually unchanged by most historians up to <strong>the</strong> 1960’s. <strong>The</strong> following short<br />

précis on <strong>the</strong> historiography <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mfecane narrative after 1928 is based mainly<br />

on two short historiographical pieces by Wright <strong>and</strong> Saunders. 62<br />

From <strong>the</strong> 1920s pr<strong>of</strong>essional liberal historians came to dominate sou<strong>the</strong>rn<br />

African history writing in <strong>the</strong> English language. While rejecting <strong>The</strong>al’s racist<br />

approach to African history, <strong>the</strong>ir own attitude towards Africans was ambiguous.<br />

On <strong>the</strong> one h<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y rejected African culture as inferior <strong>and</strong> barbarous, but<br />

believed that Africans could reach “civilization” with <strong>the</strong> help <strong>of</strong> Europeans. On<br />

<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y regarded African history as an integral part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn<br />

African past <strong>and</strong> not just an adjunct to colonial history. Few concentrated on<br />

mfecane history, because <strong>of</strong> an overwhelming concern for <strong>the</strong> contemporary<br />

political, economic <strong>and</strong> social issues, race relations <strong>and</strong> a focus on <strong>the</strong><br />

progression <strong>of</strong> events whereby Africans <strong>and</strong> colonists were drawn into a<br />

common society. Wright concurs that ‘African history was largely discounted by<br />

liberal intellectuals, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> study <strong>of</strong> African societies was increasingly seen as<br />

belonging to <strong>the</strong> emerging discipline <strong>of</strong> anthropology ra<strong>the</strong>r than history’. He<br />

maintained that ‘anthropologists were by <strong>and</strong> large much more concerned with<br />

<strong>the</strong> nature <strong>and</strong> operation <strong>of</strong> African “social systems” than <strong>the</strong>y were with<br />

61 Golan, Inventing Shaka, 143.<br />

62 Wright, ‘Political Mythology', 272-91. <strong>and</strong> C.C. Saunders, 'Pre-Cobbing Mfecane<br />

Historiography', in Hamilton (ed), Mfecane Aftermath, 21–34. But, also based on J. Cobbing,<br />

'So Dreadful a Storm: <strong>The</strong> Textual Evolution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mfecane‘, Paper - 1st Draft, Rhodes<br />

University, 29 March 1996, 1-41. <strong>and</strong> Tisani, ‘Xhosa Historiography'.<br />

19

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