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almanac on security sector oversight in the Western Balkans

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The formative phase was crucial for later, albeit uneven, developments of SSR <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

regi<strong>on</strong>. A radical part<strong>in</strong>g with <strong>the</strong> old regime was delayed and made more complicated<br />

due to <strong>the</strong> wars and/or war envir<strong>on</strong>ment. This is also <strong>the</strong> reas<strong>on</strong> why <strong>the</strong> countries<br />

of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> <strong>Balkans</strong> spent so much time <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> grips of authoritarian regimes<br />

which local authorities tried to make legitimate. 192 It is <strong>the</strong>refore not supris<strong>in</strong>g that<br />

<strong>the</strong> processes of <strong>in</strong>itial and/or fake democratisati<strong>on</strong> and SSR often developed <strong>on</strong> two<br />

separate tracks.<br />

The above-menti<strong>on</strong>ed processes of <strong>the</strong> 1990s enabled <strong>the</strong> prol<strong>on</strong>ged survival and mutati<strong>on</strong><br />

of an ethno-centric authoritarian regime <strong>in</strong> Serbia (Popović et al., 2011, pp.9-11)<br />

and M<strong>on</strong>tenegro (FRY, SU SaM) (Radević and Raičević, 2011, pp.7-10), and its establishment<br />

<strong>in</strong> Croatia. 193 In both cases, plebiscite caesarianism was active under a disguise of<br />

democracy, enabl<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> central state authorities to ga<strong>in</strong> and renew <strong>the</strong>ir legitimacy<br />

at regular, but not necessarily fair, electi<strong>on</strong>s. For <strong>the</strong>se same reas<strong>on</strong>s, <strong>the</strong> authoritarian<br />

model of rule is still employed by local ethnic-religious elites <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> entities of Bosnia<br />

and Herzegov<strong>in</strong>a, despite its externally <strong>in</strong>stalled democratic facade (Hadžović et al.,<br />

2011, pp.9-16). A similar model is applied <strong>in</strong> Kosovo, where power is still c<strong>on</strong>trolled by<br />

elites, a by-product of war (Qehaja and Vrajolli, 2011, pp.12-14). On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand,<br />

Albania, under <strong>the</strong> rule of <strong>the</strong> Democratic Party and after <strong>the</strong> ex-communists ga<strong>the</strong>red<br />

<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Socialist party lost <strong>the</strong> electi<strong>on</strong>s <strong>in</strong> 1992, witnessed <strong>the</strong> formati<strong>on</strong> of a new type<br />

of authoritarianism. It was accompanied by <strong>the</strong> streng<strong>the</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g of <strong>the</strong> political elites’<br />

pers<strong>on</strong>al power overstate <strong>security</strong> forces (Dyrmishi et al., 2011, p.8). At <strong>the</strong> same time,<br />

<strong>in</strong> Maced<strong>on</strong>ia, members of <strong>the</strong> local ethnic Albanian community denied <strong>the</strong> legitimacy<br />

of <strong>the</strong> new regime and <strong>the</strong> state apparatuses of force until <strong>the</strong> Ohrid Agreement was<br />

signed <strong>in</strong> 2001. Str<strong>on</strong>g ethnic divisi<strong>on</strong>s directly dim<strong>in</strong>ished <strong>the</strong> modest democratic capacities<br />

of <strong>the</strong> new <strong>in</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>in</strong> Maced<strong>on</strong>ia (K<strong>on</strong>eska and Kotevska, 2011, pp.7-13).<br />

3 . The emergence and shap<strong>in</strong>g of <strong>security</strong> <strong>in</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong>s<br />

The emergence and shap<strong>in</strong>g of <strong>security</strong> <strong>in</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Western</strong> Balkan countries<br />

were mostly determ<strong>in</strong>ed by <strong>the</strong> collapse of socialism and <strong>the</strong> wars waged <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> regi<strong>on</strong>.<br />

In this secti<strong>on</strong> I will p<strong>in</strong>po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>the</strong> factors that were crucial <strong>in</strong> def<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> form,<br />

social and professi<strong>on</strong>al profile, and power and positi<strong>on</strong> <strong>in</strong> society of <strong>the</strong>se <strong>in</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

The <strong>Western</strong> Balkan countries can be divided <strong>in</strong>to two dist<strong>in</strong>ct groups accord<strong>in</strong>g to<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir start<strong>in</strong>g positi<strong>on</strong>s. The first group <strong>in</strong>cludes Croatia, Maced<strong>on</strong>ia and Kosovo, as<br />

<strong>the</strong>y ga<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>the</strong>ir <strong>in</strong>dependence dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> violent dissoluti<strong>on</strong> of Yugoslavia. Their<br />

state <strong>security</strong> forces were created out of (pre)war necessity, <strong>the</strong>ir purpose be<strong>in</strong>g to<br />

create new states by armed force and/or protect <strong>the</strong>m. Bosnia and Herzegov<strong>in</strong>a cer-<br />

192 In <strong>the</strong> countries of Yugoslav orig<strong>in</strong>, new authorities covered <strong>the</strong>mselves with <strong>the</strong> veil of democracy<br />

primarily to achieve external legitimacy, while <strong>in</strong>ternally <strong>the</strong>y legitimised <strong>the</strong>mselves primarily by means<br />

of ethnic-religious and state-build<strong>in</strong>g arguments and reas<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

193 See also Knezović and Staničić, 2011, pp.14-16, which describes it as a semi-presidential system with<br />

democratic deficits.<br />

218

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