THE PROVENANCE OF JOHN CALVIN'S EMPHASIS ON THE ...

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Lord's Supper. 241 In affirming that "the Consensus does not fully represent Calvin's views on the Lord's Supper," Davis goes so far as to suggest that "the Consensus Tigerinus appears to be the extent to which Calvin was willing to bend his eucharistic opinions in favor of peace among the churches of Switzerland," 242 and that the Consensio mutua "became a reality because of Calvin's willingness to omit formulations objectionable to Bullinger." 243 In his study, Davis further demonstrates that in Calvin's subsequent defenses of the Consensio mutua and of his association with it, Calvin takes the liberty of interpreting its articles according to his doctrine. 244 Davis and Janse imply what Rorem declares outright: that the correspondence Calvin extends to Bullinger prior to the drafting and adoption of the Consensio mutua is representative of his doctrine whereas the Consensio mutua itself is not. 245 241 This is a point made by e.g., Rorem, Calvin and Bullinger, 46; Davis, Clearest Promises, "Chapter 2: The Consensus Tigerinus and the Task of Interpretation," 29-68; and Janse, "Calvin's Eucharistic Theology," 25. Davis offers an extended presentation of especially nineteenth and twentieth century scholars who in fact took the Consensio to be a tight and thorough sum of Calvin's doctrine of the Lord's Supper. 242 Davis, Clearest Promises, 30. 243 Davis, Clearest Promises, 40. Here Davis points out that the following "key concepts in Calvin's eucharistic thought" are absent in the Consensus: "there is no reference to the function of the eucharistic action as exhibiting and giving what is signified; the Eucharist is never referred to by the word instrumentum; and the Supper is never expressly viewed as an act through which God confers grace" (citing Paul Rorem, "Calvin and Bullinger on the Lord's Supper,"The Lutheran Quarterly 3 [Summer 1988], 376). On the Consensio mutua not being a compromise document, see also Christopher Elwood, The Body Broken:The Calvinist Doctrine of the Eucharist and the Symbolization of Power in Sixteenthcentury France (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 82; Gerrish, "Sign and Reality," 124. For his part, Stephens sees the Consensio as "neither Bullingerian nor Calvinian" (Stephens, "The Sacraments in the Confessions," 7). 244 See Davis, Clearest Promises, 41ff. 245 Rorem, Calvin and Bulllinger, 31. See also Janse, "Calvin's Eucharistic Theology," 41. For surveys of the correspondence, along with Rorem, Calvin and Bullinger, and Davis, Clearest Promises, see e.g., Ernst Bizer, Studien zur Geschichte des Abendmahlstreits im 16. Jahrhundert (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1962), 243-270; and Ulrich Gäbler, "Das Zustandekommen des Consensus Tigurium im Jahre 1549," Theologische Literaturzeitung 104-105 (1979), 321-332. 84
The nub of disagreement between Calvin and Bullinger is whether the sacraments may be considered instruments, and if they may, then what sort of instruments are they? What is their nature, and what is it they effect? According to Calvin, sacraments are indeed instruments, 246 and by them God effects by the virtus of the Holy Spirit that which the sacraments themselves figure. 247 In 1549, well into his correspondence with Bullinger, Calvin culminates his ongoing claim saying, as Rorem cites him, "the Spirit's proper work of making us partakers of Christ is done per sacramenta, 'through the sacraments, as through instruments . . . . the Spirit is the author, the sacrament is the instrument used.'" 248 According to Calvin, the sacraments are more than mere signs or testimonies of the Spirit's im-mediate action upon the soul (which is as Bullinger—and Zwingli—would have them 249 ); as Calvin 246 Letter 1039, 6 July 1548: "Atqui docemus, sacramenta gratiae Dei esse instrumenta. Nempe quum in certum finem institute sint, usum ipsorum quails esse debe esse otiosum negamus Quod ergo illic figuratur dicimus electis exhiberi, ne Deus fallacy spectaculo oculos deludere credatur" (CO 12: 727-28). Translated by Rorem: "We teach, however, that the sacraments are instruments of the grace of God; for, as they were instituted in view of a certain end, we refuse to allow that they have no proper use. We therefore say, that what is represented in them, is offered to the elect, for God does not delude the eyes by a fallacious representation" (Rorem, Calvin and Bullinger, 31). See also Calvin to Bullinger, Letter 880, 25 February 1547: "You especially object to our saying that in the strict sense of the word it is God alone who exhibits, but by the signs and by his ministers" (trans. Janse, "Calvin's Eucharistic Theology," 44). "Nam id nominatim impugnas quod solum Deum dicimus proprie exhibere, sed per signa et per suos ministros" (CO 12:486). 247 See e.g., Calvin to Bullinger, Letter 880, 25 February 1547, CO 12:482, 484, 485, 487-87; Letter 1039, 6 July 1548, CO 12: 727; Correspondence, January 1549, CO 7:703, 704, 707. 248 Rorem, Calvin and Bullinger, 33; from the Calvini responsio ad annotationes Bullingeri scripta mense Ianuiario 1549: "Officium spritus esse fateor, Christi et omnium eius bonorum nos facere participes. Sed minime absurdum est, ut, quod propria virtute in nobis efficit, per sacramenta quoque, velut instrumenta, efficiat. . . . Spiritus autor est, sacramentum vero instrumentum quo utitur" (CO 7:701- 02). 249 CO 7:711 and 713. See Janse, "Calvin's Eucharist Theology," 43. 85
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THE PROVENANCE OF JOHN CALVIN'S EMP
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THE PROVENANCE OF JOHN CALVIN'S EMP
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For Paul, Liesl, & Annemarie. Witho
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CONTENTS Acknowledgments...........
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am deeply indebte
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ABBREVIATIONS BDS Bucer, Deutsche S
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INTRODUCTION With respect to one of
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and secondary source material to my
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among humanists who dwell deeply on
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of the Greek Fathers for whom the i
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Optima ineundae concordiae ratio (1
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in the Supper," 13 Calvin refers to
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To make his point even more forthri
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I come to close quarters at once wi
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ends. 33 Read critically it becomes
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purpose, 'My flesh is meat indeed,'
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eality" (rei exhibitionem). 51 That
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themselves, because of their "natur
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locally present on earth, at least
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that there is a medium between thes
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another to receive." 85 The "nature
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the mouth of faith, 91 are truly fe
Page 45 and 46: concordiae ratio of 1560, "raises u
Page 47 and 48: 1.4 Coda under the symbols of bread
Page 49 and 50: CHAPTER 2 A STUDY OF CALVIN'S REFER
Page 51 and 52: a historical development." 108 As J
Page 53 and 54: The chapter itself unfolds as a chr
Page 55 and 56: instructs us by his Word, confirms
Page 57 and 58: and blood in the Supper, he does no
Page 59 and 60: In light of his first treatment of
Page 61 and 62: y which under bread and wine he rep
Page 63 and 64: under the bread, or of the blood un
Page 65 and 66: participation we are fed on eternal
Page 67 and 68: François Gilmont conclude, "If it
Page 69 and 70: enclosed under some corruptible ele
Page 71 and 72: paragraphs before in this very trea
Page 73 and 74: preaching, as far as God uses the i
Page 75 and 76: moved and our souls opened for the
Page 77 and 78: ody, spirit, and soul with him. The
Page 79 and 80: In this passage Calvin concerns him
Page 81 and 82: order that they might truly receive
Page 83 and 84: minister and catechumen. He publish
Page 85 and 86: exert his energy (virtutem) by his
Page 87 and 88: same year Calvin published a liturg
Page 89 and 90: the vital role of the Holy Spirit w
Page 91 and 92: communicated in the sacrament, and
Page 93 and 94: (per spiritum), even although it is
Page 95: sacramentally, is Calvin's emphasis
Page 99 and 100: are three: "that the signs are not
Page 101 and 102: seemingly conceded the use of the t
Page 103 and 104: Spirit still figures as the "agent"
Page 105 and 106: truly fulfils what he figures, he t
Page 107 and 108: CHAPTER 3 A NARRATIVE, BIOGRAPHICAL
Page 109 and 110: with another, one must not simply i
Page 111 and 112: Paris were reading, appreciating, a
Page 113 and 114: Faculty and Parlement censured Berq
Page 115 and 116: devotio moderna" who longed for his
Page 117 and 118: Beyond the foregoing detail, little
Page 119 and 120: "brilliant classical scholar" 332 o
Page 121 and 122: oyally endowed lectures in the 'thr
Page 123 and 124: In May 1532, Calvin returned to Orl
Page 125 and 126: writes: "Like most of the humanists
Page 127 and 128: possibility exists, to which father
Page 129 and 130: which offered scholars opportunitie
Page 131 and 132: Oecolampadius' death in 1531 (just
Page 133 and 134: communes theologici, the first edit
Page 135 and 136: What of patristic influence? Lane t
Page 137 and 138: open repudiation of the "papist" in
Page 139 and 140: the churches and the destruction of
Page 141 and 142: defended the evangelical position,
Page 143 and 144: to his complete vilification by the
Page 145 and 146: is wholly due to "the secret and mi
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intention of devoting himself once
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Among medievals: Calvin cites Thoma
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whether positive or negative, of Me
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sources—the exegesis of Origen, 4
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placing loci into their commentarie
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"confluence" of humanistic and scho
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And, of course, Calvin seems to hav
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specifically refers include Bernard
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By now, an emphasis on the Holy Spi
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traditions, rather than by way of h
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subsequent early expressions (prepa
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distinguished Calvin's earliest ins
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sacraments" as seals of promises).
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that "a static view of the eucharis
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Supper between the publication of t
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Davis continues just a little on: O
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Chrysostom and published it in one
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It was in a sermon which Erasmus ha
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Like van't Spijker, Wendel claims d
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up again the question of the proven
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CHAPTER 5 ASSIMILATION: CALVIN'S DO
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when Calvin concerns himself with "
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the Lord's Prayer, and the Sacramen
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creation, "we are never to doubt or
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We are persuaded that there is for
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Here, the "efficacy" of the Spirit
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length. While the doctrine of the T
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Calvin's Trinitarian conception of
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… our faith receives from baptism
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the Godhead into itself. Now who do
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As noted in Chapter 2, Calvin inter
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Calvin broaches the conception of d
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with respect to the person and work
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In his exposition of the confession
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So Christ, the Son, is appointed by
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us to seal the gift of a thing invi
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himself, not the Spirit, but Christ
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Spirit He consecrates us as temples
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This is evident from Calvin's prefa
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CHAPTER 6 ASSIMILATION: THE THOUGHT
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integrate his ideas into a powerful
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Bourges. 694 So it is not unlikely,
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Luther's own doctrine of the Lord's
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Luther's doctrine of the Lord's Sup
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Supper of 1528, 718 Luther employs
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proof that only a spiritual eating,
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ifurcation of these two views, not
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The point is then, that although Ca
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naturally'—vere et efficaciter ex
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Therefore just as the word is an in
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eading them." 760 Given its context
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this view in his definition of the
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the contemplation of faith" (adesse
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doctrine as an argument for Christ'
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physically." This fact seemingly mi
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He then proceeds to his exegetical
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sharers in all his blessings." 800
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century. 808 Oecolampadius had been
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Oecolampadius' treatment of the sac
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The extent to which Calvin had acce
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Clearly Oecolampadius is concerned
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Calvin's thought and expression is
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faithfully defending his predecesso
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which, being received spiritually b
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sacraments, as signs of things sign
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espect to the sacraments, at least
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eliever, operatio spiritu sancti. A
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The Zwinglian, even "Karlstadtian,"
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judiciously, distinguished his thou
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Bucer and Capito given that it was
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might have been picked up from Bren
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"Lutheran-leaning," or, as Amy Nels
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Confessionis Augustanae (1530), 912
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Spirit might incite confusion, migh
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signified. Christ himself is encoun
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The 1537 Synod of Bern was called,
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This is the confession Bucer ratifi
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Lausanne, but also the Pays de Vaud
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the disputation, the Lord's Supper
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By esprit, Viret is presumably spea
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ecepvoir de grace en son corps et e
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thought, though never in a direct q
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1542, when he edited for publicatio
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efers to the Spirit as the nexus be
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Now, it cannot be declared definiti
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Charybdis of Zwingli's spiritualist
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Since Calvin's early interest in th
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"Calvin's use of the fathers (espec
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. . . quando hoc beneficii per spir
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the Spirit as the vinculum 1013 —
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Interestingly, in his presentation
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is likely spurious, its preparer be
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Once again Calvin's signature expla
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of the Institutio, and the expressi
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Even though such an expression is n
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Throughout the dialog between the K
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himself." So Butin, for one among o
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sacramental is equivalent merely to
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Spirit is not expressed in Augustin
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Ratramnus were monks at the Benedic
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as the papal legate designated to p
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Lord's Supper and Ratramnus'. 1089
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Here, as in the passage above, Ratr
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theological tradition of the church
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8.1 Calvin's Liturgy: Context and C
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himself and printed in Strasbourg i
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On the day of the Lord's Supper, th
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himself invites us to His Table: th
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one "disposes" one's soul "to be no
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edition of his Institutio, "suggest
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Their content is likewise distinct.
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lavishness of God's "peace, grace,
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Bürki suggests. And yet such a ric
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Bucer's rhetorical set-up of this c
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truly be for us the communion of Hi
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in true childlike trust, and always
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"Gott sei gelobet" or a psalm, afte
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The prayer of confession immediatel
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Calvin's Genevan and Strasbourg rub
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not only Germany, but also the Neth
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However, given their thematic struc
Page 389 and 390:
For all their resonance, though, it
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disposition could subscribe to it,
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and beyond? 1213 What is the measur
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CONCLUSION The front matter of this
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expositions of the sacrament—pres
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uniquely ordained for such proclama
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Institutio christianae religionis,
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Hazlett, W. Ian P. "Calvin's Latin
Page 405 and 406:
-----. "Confession on the Eucharist
Page 407 and 408:
-----. De Trinitate, translated by
Page 409 and 410:
Battles, Ford Lewis. "The Sources o
Page 411 and 412:
-----. Revelation, Redemption, and
Page 413 and 414:
Farge, Benjamin W. Orthodoxy and Re
Page 415 and 416:
Guggisberg, Hans R. Basel in the Si
Page 417 and 418:
Koopmans, J. Het oudkerkelijk dogma
Page 419 and 420:
Macy, Gary. The Theologies of the E
Page 421 and 422:
Neuser, Wilhelm H., and Brian G. Ar
Page 423 and 424:
Partee, Charles. "Farel's Influence
Page 425 and 426:
------. "Philip Melanchthon." In Re
Page 427 and 428:
van Stam, Frans Pieter. "Das Verhä
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