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140<br />

whalever the deeper meaning of these tales, at a concrete and literal level they propose an<br />

optimistic. yet also dynamic worldview: jf no good deed goes unrewarded, it remains thai<br />

who nothing risks, nothing gains. Life, in other words. may have 10 be spent in the<br />

omnipresent danger of death, and spare no "nerves," the courageous acceptance of its<br />

demands is the price of survival, happiness and material security.<br />

In conclusion, the various cultural expressions overviewed in this first account of<br />

"traditional death" commonly equipped the community with a supponing response (0 the<br />

precariolls way of life of pre-Confederation Newfoundlanders. While life danger was<br />

omnipresent, familiarity with death built up an effeclive defence all along the daily process<br />

of community life through enforcing a positive and courageous attitude towards its<br />

imminence and inevitability. "Traditional" death was recognized as an integml pan of life;<br />

as such, it was prepared for, diagnosed in its earliest signs, and celebrated in reconciliation<br />

with its reality. Thus anticipated and accepted, the natural shock that all demh causes, even<br />

when expected, was smoothed through this gradual process, or "tamed." A funeral, hence,<br />

came to be an "occasion" similar to any other social event. This cultural recuperation of<br />

death already reduced its awesomeness in introducing the idea of a liminal stage, which<br />

would be completed in its ritual celebration.<br />

The separate consideration of the secular or merely social aspects of the wake and<br />

funeral underlying the Christian rite has revealed how, contrary to the modern<br />

"privatisation" and "deritllalization" of the event, the "traditional" way of dealh reinforced<br />

social ties within the group. In itself, the significant social dimension of "tamed death" laid<br />

down a structure of moral and material support, which eased the emotional brunt suffered<br />

by the mourners. The three-day halt, sanctioned by social custom, provided them with a<br />

maximal opponunity to acknowledge their loss and solve their emotional shock. This halt<br />

being extended to the group as a whole ensured complete material and moral suppon from<br />

their peers, thus facilitating the relatives' emotional rehabilitation.<br />

While grief was shon-lived, the dead were not forgouen or completely evacuated from<br />

the living's consciousness. More than clung to out of deep personal affection, they kept<br />

their community S13tus, hence the privilege of occupying their fonner locations. Traditions<br />

of men lost at sea, including mysterious lights, ghost ships and sailors give evidence of<br />

hannonious cohabitation with the dead--who were somewhat disturbing if co-operative.<br />

As for their privilege of making contact with the living, they were neither fe;:tred nor envied<br />

for it. Still free of any Christian connotations, these revenants, in the terms of Emmanuel

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