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Complete Thesis_double spaced abstract.pdf

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assimilation of Mayas into Guatemalan life was not a priority of the revolution. Although there<br />

was concern at the time that Mayas, if given the opportunity and resources (literacy, voting, and<br />

access to political power), would rise up, violently, and become the majority oppressors. As a<br />

result, there were calls to bring basic health care and access to food for the Mayas, however most<br />

of these calls to action stemmed from the desire to nourish the population so they would “produce<br />

more efficient work” in the fields (Smith, 1992, 151). When middleclass ladinos and midlevel<br />

military officers began to withdraw support first from President Arévalo and then from President<br />

Arbenz, there was a fleeting moment when the Mayas were perceived as a more important<br />

political, social, and economic population.<br />

The agrarian reform passed in 1952 was the event that catalyzed social and political<br />

organizing in rural Mayan communities. The violent reaction of landowners to the agrarian<br />

reform resulted in an even greater number of rural community organizations. By the time of the<br />

coup in 1954 there were active “campesino unions in every major village and in many smaller<br />

aldeas in Guatemala” (Smith, 1992, 170). Despite the rise in peasant organizations, the agrarian<br />

reform also had the unintended consequence of turning peasants against one another. Under the<br />

official agrarian reform law, the laborers who worked on a particular finca had the first<br />

opportunity to settle any expropriated land. Since it was quite common for laborers to work on<br />

fincas that were not near their place of residence it created animosity between laborers and local<br />

peasants who believed they should have first rights to land expropriated where they resided<br />

(Handy, 1984, 131; Smith, 1992, 174). The violent reaction of foreign and domestic landowners,<br />

coupled with the growing animosity in the rural areas between peasants, threatened to disrupt life<br />

in rural and urban Guatemala. As a result, the middleclass ladinos, military members, and union<br />

members in urban areas, many of whom had previously supported the goals of the revolution,<br />

now decried the efforts to redistribute land and began to withdraw support for President Arbenz.<br />

96

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