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Complete Thesis_double spaced abstract.pdf

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sheltered from having to justify the numbers of undocumented immigrants actually residing<br />

within the state. Kossoudji (1992) would agree with the underlying theme of the Davila et al<br />

(1999) arguments; she contends that strategic temporal and monetary shortcuts taken by INS<br />

post-apprehension may actually increase the long-term costs to immigration enforcement, and<br />

may possibly increase the quantity of immigration and length of stay. By returning immigrants<br />

directly across the United States-Mexico border, instead of returning them to their point of origin<br />

within the sending state, the INS inadvertently increases the number of attempts to cross the<br />

border. As a result, the INS acts more as a “spigot” than a barricade (Kossoudiji, 1992, 162).<br />

There are several arguments that increased enforcement does not necessarily lead to decreased<br />

immigration (Kossoudiji 1992; Donato et al 1992; Djajic 1999). The results from Kossoudiji’s<br />

(1992) study indicate that increased enforcement and increased apprehensions by INS lead to<br />

longer stays by undocumented immigrants with less movement across the border, but do not<br />

necessarily lead to decreased immigration. Donato et al (1992) find similar results, despite<br />

increased resources (funding and personnel) and increased apprehension rates, the INS was not<br />

able to decrease the number of immigrants successfully crossing the border. The findings of the<br />

Donato et al (1992) study seem to show that as more resources are dedicated to enforcement,<br />

more apprehensions do take place, but so do more attempts to cross the border, thus negating the<br />

increased resources and apprehensions by the receiving state. Djajić (1999) presents similar<br />

outcomes from increased enforcement of immigration policies along the borders in receiving<br />

states. He argues that as enforcement is increased in geographic areas (border areas) and in<br />

certain types of employment (agricultural jobs, construction jobs) migrants then spread out into<br />

new geographic areas and new sectors of the economy where they will be less likely to be<br />

detected by the enforcement mechanisms employed by the state. Once settled the migrants will<br />

form migrant networks from their newly employed physical locations, as a consequence drawing<br />

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