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Complete Thesis_double spaced abstract.pdf

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and the murder of thousands of peasants, students and organizers. The goals of Mano Blanca<br />

were to “maintain a permanent state of fear and uncertainty” and to “blur the distinction between<br />

official repression and death squad terror” (Jonas, 1991, 64). Under Colonel Arana, divisions<br />

between the MLN and the military bring about the end of Mano Blanca in 1973.<br />

The breakdown of Mano Blanca was not the end of right-wing paramilitary death squads<br />

in Guatemala. Ojo por Ojo, or Eye for an Eye, emerged in the late 1960s as Mano Blanca was<br />

falling apart. Unsurprisingly, many of the members of Ojo por Ojo were former members of<br />

Mano Blanca. Similar to Mano Blanca, Ojo por Ojo received funding and aid from landowners,<br />

the MLN and the government (Encyclopedia of Latin American Politics, 128-129). Members of<br />

Ojo por Ojo included the minister of the interior Jorge Arenales Catalan, the defense minister<br />

General Leonel Vassaux Martinez, and Congressman Mario Sandoval Alarcon, leader of the<br />

MLN. Ojo por Ojo continued to target center-left politicians, students, organizers and peasants.<br />

The University at San Carlos continued to be a popular target for Ojo por Ojo. Mano Blanca and<br />

Ojo por Ojo were two of the more well know death squads, but there were many more that<br />

existed during the late 1960s and early 1970s, Rosa Purpua, El Buitre Justiciero were two more of<br />

the death squads that worked in conjunction with the New Anti-Communist Organization (NOA)<br />

(Black, 1984, 46-47). The death squads and the NOA openly operated out of the military bases,<br />

the chain of command easily traceable to the highest government offices.<br />

The Guatemalan military had their own official counterinsurgency movement within the<br />

military; the Mobile Military Police (PMA) was formed in the early 1960s. The PMA had a<br />

centralized command structure and counterinsurgency units scattered throughout Guatemala, with<br />

concentrations of units in rural areas. The military preferred to increase the number of military<br />

police rather than increasing the domestic police force and creating competition for itself. The<br />

military was actively recruiting and training during this period, the United States continued to<br />

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