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Complete Thesis_double spaced abstract.pdf

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The army and the death squads were not the only actors engaged in political violence,<br />

there was also the development of the Civilian Defense Patrols (PACs) by General Montt in the<br />

1980s. The PACs were composed of civilians, former army, or death squad members. In rural<br />

villages any “able-bodied man between the ages of 15 and 60” was forced to serve in the PACs;<br />

although, it was common to have children ages 10-11 serve in the PACs (Black, 1984, 139). In<br />

1982 the military claimed to have recruited 40,000 individuals to serve in the PACs (Black, 1984,<br />

139). Twice weekly service in the PACs was rewarded with food, not monetary compensation<br />

and refusal to participate would label the offender a guerrilla. Those PAC members needing to<br />

migrate for work were required to receive permission from the army to leave for seasonal<br />

employment. Civilian members of the PACs were not trusted by the military; as a result they<br />

patrolled with wooden clubs and machetes instead of guns. As described below in the violence<br />

section, members of PACs were often instructed to kill any persons encountered on patrols,<br />

whether family or fried, since these people were considered guerrillas and subversives.<br />

The counterinsurgency progressed through a variety of incarnations, beginning with the<br />

rural militias in the 1950s, to the paramilitary death squads of the 1960s through the 1980s, to the<br />

formation of the PACs in the early 1980s, and back again to the formation of armed militias in the<br />

early 1990s. In the 1990s local bosses or landowners created armed patrols to restrict the return<br />

of migrants and refugees from their communities of origin. In 1993 a regional militia called<br />

ARAP-KSI frequently used “death threats, assaults, and hostage taking to intimidate Guatemalans<br />

and international officials involved in the repatriations” (Human Rights Watch, 1990, 186).<br />

Human rights violations committed by ARAP-KSI did not result in arrests or prosecution despite<br />

the abundance of evidence in support of the complaints. By the 1990s there had also been a<br />

change in the offices controlling the counterinsurgency efforts. Previously counterinsurgency<br />

was orchestrated out of the official defense department, in the 1990s the duties had shifted to the<br />

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