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New Imperialists : Ideologies of Empire

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MOOERS: Nostalgia for <strong>Empire</strong> 129<br />

than being reproduced through social sanction, colonial custom was<br />

enforced with a whip, by a constellation <strong>of</strong> customary authorities – and,<br />

if necessary, with the barrel <strong>of</strong> a gun, by the forces <strong>of</strong> the central state.” 83<br />

The ethnic and tribal conflicts that have so plagued postcolonial Africa –<br />

opposed but never fully overcome by postcolonial governments – are the<br />

direct legacy <strong>of</strong> colonial rule. In short, far from forging a lasting legacy <strong>of</strong><br />

democratic citizenship based on accountable administrative and political<br />

institutions, Britain’s most lasting contribution “may lie in the inherited<br />

impediments to democratization.” 84<br />

Similar policies were implemented with the same predictable outcomes<br />

in the Middle East. After World War One, the victorious<br />

imperialist powers set about carving up the remnants <strong>of</strong> the Ottoman<br />

<strong>Empire</strong>. Britain was to get Palestine – where it favoured setting up a<br />

Zionist state – Arabia and Mesopotamia; Syria and Lebanon were to go to<br />

France. Egypt was to serve as “a laboratory <strong>of</strong> indirect rule.” 85 The British<br />

had effectively ruled Egypt since the opening <strong>of</strong> the Suez Canal in 1869<br />

and remained there until 1952. Indirect rule was now redefined as a<br />

“mandate” to satisfy U.S. opposition to formal empire and the terms<br />

<strong>of</strong> the League <strong>of</strong> Nations. 86 But its substance remained the same. The<br />

British established regimes with compliant rulers: in Arabia, Ibn Saud<br />

and Hussein served the purpose; in Mesopotamia (modern Iraq) they<br />

imported Faisal from Mecca and established the Hashemite monarchy. In<br />

order to impose the Hashemite regime the British resorted to gassing and<br />

bombing resistance by the local population, inflicting 98,000 casualties. 87<br />

They then set about shoring up decaying tribal structures through the<br />

creation <strong>of</strong> large landed estates ruled by a class <strong>of</strong> “government sheikhs.”<br />

Their aim, as Peter Gowan observes, was to,<br />

revive dying traditional authority relations, resulting in economically<br />

and socially regressive consequences, undertaken for thoroughly<br />

modern imperialist political purposes – namely, to create a ruling<br />

class dependent upon British military power and therefore<br />

committed to imperial interests in the region. 88<br />

Ferguson casts all <strong>of</strong> this in a positive light. He likens the challenge facing<br />

the Americans in Iraq today to that faced by Britain in its seventyfour-year-long,<br />

but <strong>of</strong>ficially unacknowledged, military occupation <strong>of</strong><br />

Egypt. The main lesson to be drawn from Britain’s “veiled protectorate”<br />

in Egypt “is that it is possible to occupy a country for decades, while

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