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New Imperialists : Ideologies of Empire

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188 The <strong>New</strong> <strong>Imperialists</strong><br />

domestic state apparatus. Governmental monetary and fiscal policies<br />

become subject to continual “votes <strong>of</strong> confidence” by the international<br />

money markets. With no restrictions on short-term capital flows it<br />

becomes increasingly difficult for states to pursue domestic policies<br />

aimed at fostering national accumulation through monetary or exchange<br />

controls. Instead, states are required to fulfill the function assigned to<br />

them as part <strong>of</strong> the international circuit <strong>of</strong> capital. If they don’t, they face<br />

the risk <strong>of</strong> capital flight and currency collapse.<br />

The internationalization <strong>of</strong> state functions has accompanied this<br />

internationalization <strong>of</strong> capital. 64 In the era <strong>of</strong> neoliberalism the domestic<br />

state is more integrated into the maintenance <strong>of</strong> the international circulation<br />

<strong>of</strong> capital, a process that shapes its domestic economic policies.<br />

Those sectors <strong>of</strong> the domestic state apparatus that are concerned with<br />

internationalization have become increasingly autonomous in their<br />

decision-making ability and further removed from any national democratic<br />

control. 65<br />

In current debates around imperialism and empire, the relationship<br />

between states is <strong>of</strong>ten reduced conceptually to competing viewpoints<br />

emphasizing either interdependence or rivalry. Such a dichotomy, however,<br />

does not adequately capture the contradictory forces at play within<br />

the global system, and it is more accurate to understand the presence <strong>of</strong><br />

dual tendencies towards unity and rivalry between imperialist powers. 66<br />

Capital is organized territorially at the level <strong>of</strong> the nation-state (and<br />

through regional trading blocs), yet simultaneously its reach is global and<br />

there is a common interest between different capital blocs in maintaining<br />

the stability <strong>of</strong> the system as a whole.<br />

The rhetoric <strong>of</strong> “failed states” is thus the natural political corollary <strong>of</strong><br />

neoliberalism. In this regard, Deepak Lal presents a striking example <strong>of</strong><br />

how the logic <strong>of</strong> the system generates an irrational, ahistorical ideology.<br />

Following the standard approach to free trade and the notion <strong>of</strong><br />

factor-endowment as being the prime determinant <strong>of</strong> a country’s trade<br />

specialization, Lal argues that the reason regions such as Africa and the<br />

Middle East have so many “failed states” is because they have been<br />

endowed with natural resources that provide an irresistible urge to the<br />

“predatory” instincts <strong>of</strong> state elites. In other words, the reason for the<br />

mass immiseration <strong>of</strong> the population <strong>of</strong> these regions is the vast<br />

resources <strong>of</strong> free wealth with which they have been blessed.<br />

At one level, Lal’s argument is partially correct. Mass pauperization <strong>of</strong>

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