New Imperialists : Ideologies of Empire
New Imperialists : Ideologies of Empire
New Imperialists : Ideologies of Empire
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74 The <strong>New</strong> <strong>Imperialists</strong><br />
fighting over the control <strong>of</strong> the natural and human resources <strong>of</strong> the<br />
oil-rich region. They have targeted women, workers, youth, peasants, and<br />
secular, democratic, and socialist individuals and institutions. Much <strong>of</strong><br />
the post-structuralist and post-colonialist literature fails to see the<br />
seriousness <strong>of</strong> these contradictions, while it ignores the close ties between<br />
capitalist powers and Islamists. In order to illustrate this point, I return to<br />
the politics <strong>of</strong> granting the Nobel peace prize to a Muslim Iranian woman.<br />
Shirin Ebadi is the typical “moderate” or “reformist” Muslim, also a<br />
woman and a lawyer, who has tried to reform the Islamic theocracy <strong>of</strong><br />
Iran into a modern or moderate state. The Nobel award immediately<br />
created, or rather re-created, a web <strong>of</strong> contradictions. Conservative<br />
Islamists treated the award as an American-Zionist plot against genuine<br />
Islam; liberal Muslims hailed it as a recognition <strong>of</strong> Islam; and for some<br />
Iranian nationalists it was no less than a matter <strong>of</strong> national pride. 24<br />
However, radical secular Iranians overcame the lure <strong>of</strong> national pride,<br />
and one <strong>of</strong> them, an Iranian poet in exile, wrote a poem in which he<br />
treated the Nobel Committee’s decision as a “blind blow against<br />
secularism throughout the world.” The poet, Yadollah Royai, resents the<br />
Committee’s policy <strong>of</strong> treating theocracy as the fate <strong>of</strong> Iranians, and at<br />
the same time considers this policy not only against secularism in Iran<br />
but also “throughout the world.” 25<br />
The conflict over Shirin Ebadi’s Nobel peace prize highlights the<br />
mainstream and Orientalist perceptions <strong>of</strong> peoples who practice Islam.<br />
The dominant view is that all Muslims are eternally tied to a religion,<br />
which is incompatible with secularism, secular politics, and secular ways<br />
<strong>of</strong> life. This rather old Orientalist view is shared even by some who are<br />
opposed to Orientalism, for instance, advocates <strong>of</strong> politics <strong>of</strong> “difference.”<br />
Since the late 1980s, “difference feminists” have insisted that Islam is the<br />
framework for the moderation <strong>of</strong> gender relations in the Islamic<br />
theocracy <strong>of</strong> Iran. They essentialize Iranian women as Muslims, and do<br />
not see any secular alternative to an Islamic model <strong>of</strong> womanhood. Much<br />
like the Islamists, they believe that Iranian women should be defined by<br />
their religion alone, and that they should engage in “woman-friendly”<br />
interpretations <strong>of</strong> the Qur’an and sharia in order to improve their lot.<br />
The claim that patriarchal gender relations can be subverted through<br />
“woman-friendly” interpretations <strong>of</strong> Islam underestimates the seriousness<br />
<strong>of</strong> contradictions between patriarchy and women, which are reproduced<br />
with utmost male violence, including honor killing. It also denies