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New Imperialists : Ideologies of Empire

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150 The <strong>New</strong> <strong>Imperialists</strong><br />

Amphitheus: [<strong>of</strong>fering the third skin] Ah, but now this one – this is<br />

the real thing. Thirty years, by land and sea.<br />

Dicaeopolis: [drinking deep, and gradually breaking into an enormous<br />

smile] Why, by all the feasts <strong>of</strong> Dionysus! It has the taste <strong>of</strong><br />

nectar and ambrosia. 36<br />

The first wine reminds Dicaeopolis <strong>of</strong> Athenian imperial activities<br />

such as shipbuilding, and he associates the second with the strategies<br />

<strong>of</strong> alliance building during the interbellum, and so he rejects them both.<br />

It is only the third one, the wine suitable for a divine repast, and one<br />

which has matured over the span <strong>of</strong> a generation, that is acceptable to<br />

our Athenian farmer. The underlying point stresses the possibility <strong>of</strong> a<br />

permanent peace, but one that can be engendered only when older<br />

generations are given an opportunity to forget about the present war and<br />

younger generations can mature in peace.<br />

These poetic examples express sentiments that were hardly exceptional<br />

in ancient commentary. It can be claimed that the poets Aeschylus,<br />

Sophocles, Euripides, and Aristophanes, the historian Herodotus, and<br />

the philosophers Plato and Aristotle shared grave concerns about war<br />

and empire, particularly the Persian and Athenian empires. The sobering<br />

condemnation <strong>of</strong> war in Aeschylus’ Orestian trilogy, Aristophanes’ unrelenting<br />

repro<strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong> the Athenian demagogues during the Archidamian<br />

phases <strong>of</strong> the Peloponnesian War, and his rehearsal <strong>of</strong> these same<br />

themes much later in Lysistrata, Herodotus’ tragic depiction <strong>of</strong> Persian<br />

imperialist designs or Plato’s speculative critique <strong>of</strong> empire attest to this<br />

general disquiet among Hellenic thinkers. When considered together<br />

they effectively mounted a sustained critique <strong>of</strong> war and empire from<br />

their unique intellectual standpoints.<br />

Thucydides’ History is in step with this tradition. Most notably, his<br />

account <strong>of</strong> the war has the feel <strong>of</strong> a poetic tragedy, especially as it moves<br />

through the latter books. At its most fundamental level the tragic idiom is<br />

premised upon the notion <strong>of</strong> a cosmological order with inviolable<br />

boundaries. Within this cosmology humankind must take care not to<br />

transgress the natural order, a violation destined to invite correcting<br />

hands. As a literary form, tragedy presents us with a subject (individual<br />

or nation) succumbing to hybris, that is, to an overreaching or exaggerated<br />

optimism rooted in the inability to recognize one’s place in the<br />

natural order <strong>of</strong> things. The deities typically function as superhuman

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