New Imperialists : Ideologies of Empire
New Imperialists : Ideologies of Empire
New Imperialists : Ideologies of Empire
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MOOERS: Introduction 5<br />
the fact that it was, above all, a social process through which the direct<br />
producers were (<strong>of</strong>ten forcibly) separated from access to the means <strong>of</strong><br />
production and thus pushed into the ranks <strong>of</strong> wage labor. During the rise<br />
<strong>of</strong> English capitalism, this involved the enclosure <strong>of</strong> what had been<br />
formerly common lands accessible to peasant communities and their<br />
conversion into private property concentrated in the hands <strong>of</strong> a new class<br />
<strong>of</strong> capitalist farmers. “And this history,” Marx writes, “the history <strong>of</strong> their<br />
expropriation, is written in the annals <strong>of</strong> mankind in letters <strong>of</strong> blood and<br />
fire.” 10 David Harvey has shown that primitive accumulation is not a<br />
once and for all process restricted to the origins <strong>of</strong> capitalism, but an<br />
ongoing imperative made necessary by the need to find new sources and<br />
sites <strong>of</strong> capital accumulation. Accumulation through dispossession<br />
involves the colonization, expropriation, and enclosure <strong>of</strong> preexisting<br />
societal and cultural forms. Predation, fraud, and force are still commonly<br />
used to privatize such things as water resources or to enforce<br />
proletarianization. To these, over the past two decades, have been added<br />
an array <strong>of</strong> financial instruments <strong>of</strong> dispossession such as hedge funds,<br />
currency devaluations, asset stripping, and credit and stock manipulations.<br />
In conjunction with these changes, a new set <strong>of</strong> global institutions<br />
have been established to regulate and fortify market relations between<br />
states and regional trade blocs. Whatever the means, the outcome has<br />
been to unleash a new wave <strong>of</strong> “enclosing the commons.” 11<br />
The current round <strong>of</strong> imperialism, therefore, has as its goal the export<br />
and entrenchment <strong>of</strong> capitalist social-property relations throughout the<br />
world; it is about the universalization <strong>of</strong> capitalism. And just as in earlier<br />
phases <strong>of</strong> capitalism, state military power has been central to the<br />
imposition <strong>of</strong> this new stage <strong>of</strong> primitive accumulation and enclosure.<br />
However, if state military power is still essential for the imposition <strong>of</strong><br />
capitalism in some parts <strong>of</strong> the world, and if its spectacular display<br />
remains vital to U.S. global hegemony, there is an important sense in<br />
which the dynamics <strong>of</strong> imperialism have changed markedly. Unlike its<br />
earlier forms, imperialism today no longer relies on direct colonization.<br />
Nor does military rivalry between states over resources and territory exist<br />
on the scale that it did in the time <strong>of</strong> Lenin and Bukharin. But if imperialism<br />
is no longer defined by formal empire and military competition,<br />
how have militarism and capitalist imperatives become so closely linked<br />
in the new imperialism? The simple answer is that in a world comprised<br />
<strong>of</strong> limited territorial states and the global reach <strong>of</strong> capital, the use <strong>of</strong>