New Imperialists : Ideologies of Empire
New Imperialists : Ideologies of Empire
New Imperialists : Ideologies of Empire
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HANIEH: Praising <strong>Empire</strong> 175<br />
block would no longer remain the self-contained individual. Another<br />
factor would exist at a more basic level than individual preferences and<br />
the individual and society would need to be seen as mutually constituted.<br />
Likewise, it is necessary to assume that all market participants have<br />
perfect knowledge <strong>of</strong> market conditions (what is available, competing<br />
products, and how much they cost). If knowledge is incomplete there<br />
is no necessary connection between what an individual chooses and the<br />
benefits they obtain as an outcome <strong>of</strong> that choice. If this is the case, then<br />
individual choice may not lead to the best outcome. 17<br />
A third assumption is that <strong>of</strong> perfect competition in which all market<br />
participants are price-takers. If some market participants are pricemakers<br />
and are able to influence the price <strong>of</strong> a good through their<br />
strength in the market (that is, a monopolistic position), then the market<br />
price does not reflect subjective individual preferences but the actions <strong>of</strong><br />
producers.<br />
Clearly these assumptions do not hold in reality. Real-life markets<br />
are imperfect and monopolized, and people are influenced by a range<br />
<strong>of</strong> factors. For some mainstream economists, this means that state<br />
intervention is permissible in order to increase social welfare, alter distribution<br />
outcomes, and address “market failure.” This intervention may<br />
include taxation measures, public spending programs, central bank<br />
intervention in monetary policy, or social welfare spending.<br />
Most neoliberals, however, strongly disagree with this attempt to “fix<br />
the market.” Drawing from the Austrian school <strong>of</strong> economics, neoliberalism<br />
believes that the market will automatically tend to produce<br />
optimum outcomes. Consequently, this school generally opposes any<br />
attempt to make ethical judgments on social welfare outcomes: the only<br />
judge <strong>of</strong> an individual’s welfare is the individual in question. There is no<br />
way for an outside observer to judge the utility or rationality <strong>of</strong> an<br />
individual’s decision; the individual is the sole arbiter <strong>of</strong> whether they are<br />
better or worse <strong>of</strong>f. 18 It is ethically wrong, therefore, to utilize the state to<br />
impose any “patterned end-state” on social outcomes.<br />
Lal, for example, denies that it is possible to provide any value judgment<br />
on the fairness <strong>of</strong> social outcomes, distribution, or inequality. Only the<br />
process by which the outcome has been achieved can be judged ethically.<br />
He explicitly denies that egalitarianism or questions <strong>of</strong> distribution<br />
should be considered in judging the relative performance <strong>of</strong> countries.<br />
“[Welfare judgments based on the size and distribution <strong>of</strong> national