New Imperialists : Ideologies of Empire
New Imperialists : Ideologies of Empire
New Imperialists : Ideologies of Empire
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WORKMAN: When Might is Right 139<br />
conclusion about bipolarity could mercifully be ignored except for the<br />
fact that a critique by Robert Cox, in a manner reminiscent <strong>of</strong> Marx’s<br />
claim in The German Ideology that the social needs <strong>of</strong> the ruling class will<br />
encourage the ascendancy <strong>of</strong> validating ideas expressed as “eternal laws,” 6<br />
drew attention to the ideological nature <strong>of</strong> his conclusions: “There is an<br />
unmistakably Panglossian quality,” Cox wrote, “to a theory published in<br />
the late 1970s which concludes that a bipolar system is the best <strong>of</strong> all<br />
possible worlds. The historical moment has left its indelible mark upon<br />
this purportedly universalist science.” 7 This one brief remark wisely drew<br />
the academy’s wandering attention about war back to the pr<strong>of</strong>ound<br />
relationship between intellectual life and the evolving social relations <strong>of</strong><br />
power within and across societies.<br />
A similar sensitivity with respect to the relationship between knowledge<br />
claims and the social relations <strong>of</strong> power inform this assessment <strong>of</strong><br />
Straussian ideas about empire. Writers in the Straussian tradition share<br />
the same phenomenological horizons as all late moderns, horizons that<br />
include imperialism centred in the north, especially Washington and<br />
London, and dispiriting wars which exact a heavy toll across the majority<br />
<strong>of</strong> the world. At its core, however, Straussian thought urges us to relax<br />
our judgement <strong>of</strong> this very same world – indeed, to accept this world<br />
with all <strong>of</strong> its blemishes and failings. Straussian writings advise us that<br />
the rise <strong>of</strong> empires is a natural function <strong>of</strong> our all-too-human weakness<br />
for power. <strong>Empire</strong> is an outgrowth <strong>of</strong> humanity qua humanity; to condemn<br />
either war or empire without discretion is to condemn a natural<br />
part <strong>of</strong> our selves. In this age <strong>of</strong> empire, then, Straussian intellectuals<br />
have risen to supply the apologetic “eternal laws” <strong>of</strong> international life, but<br />
their place at the feet <strong>of</strong> the emperor is less important than the fact that<br />
they roam the corridors <strong>of</strong> the academy. As we shall see, their provision<br />
<strong>of</strong> an ideological subtext to American empire amounts to little more than<br />
a restatement <strong>of</strong> the realist theory <strong>of</strong> international politics, an outlook<br />
that dominated the field <strong>of</strong> international relations for decades, as writers<br />
in the Straussian tradition now acknowledge.<br />
The more involved contribution <strong>of</strong> Straussian thought regarding war<br />
and empire, however, is their rigorous reshaping <strong>of</strong> the ancients as<br />
would-be apologists for the course <strong>of</strong> modern history. Thucydides in<br />
particular has been made to appear as a prototypical thinker in the<br />
Straussian vision <strong>of</strong> international life. The great historian <strong>of</strong> antiquity,<br />
they argue, recognized the limitations <strong>of</strong> humanity as he surveyed the