New Imperialists : Ideologies of Empire
New Imperialists : Ideologies of Empire
New Imperialists : Ideologies of Empire
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146 The <strong>New</strong> <strong>Imperialists</strong><br />
have a pr<strong>of</strong>ound effect on the course <strong>of</strong> events. 26 Accordingly, Thucydides’<br />
strong support for the virtue <strong>of</strong> moderation – a Delphic maxim at<br />
the core <strong>of</strong> ancient culture – is read as a form <strong>of</strong> prudential understanding<br />
grounded in his astute reading <strong>of</strong> history. Not only is<br />
Thucydides’ support for the virtue <strong>of</strong> moderation purely pragmatic in<br />
character, but Strauss stressed that Thucydides also balances his fondness<br />
for Sparta with support for Athenian daring and determination. States<br />
face natural limits in international relations imposed by the “logic” <strong>of</strong><br />
international life, and this encourages moderation; but states are also<br />
given to expand and test their limits in the manner <strong>of</strong> Athens. Thucydides<br />
admires both Athens and Sparta. But while Thucydides’ admiration<br />
for the moderation <strong>of</strong> Sparta leaps <strong>of</strong>f the pages <strong>of</strong> the text, his support<br />
for Athens, we learn, is conveyed “only between the lines <strong>of</strong> his work.” 27<br />
For our purposes these observations are less important for the fact that<br />
they infuse the schematic Straussian hermeneutic regarding exo/esotericism<br />
with dogmatism, and rather more important for the fact that they<br />
permit us to underscore the Straussian claim that Thucydidean virtues,<br />
namely his open embrace <strong>of</strong> Spartan moderation and his altogether<br />
unwritten praise <strong>of</strong> Athenian daring, are grounded exclusively in<br />
immanence.<br />
Straussian thought repudiates the idea that there are transcendent<br />
aspects to Thucydides’ manner <strong>of</strong> thinking. The standards <strong>of</strong> political<br />
history can only be political and historical; the Straussian contention is<br />
that the very core <strong>of</strong> political history rests on the conviction that international<br />
life is impervious to transcendent measure, and that no such<br />
moments ever appear in the History. Indeed, the wisdom <strong>of</strong> the philosopher<br />
easily runs the risk <strong>of</strong> being inferior to the wisdom <strong>of</strong> the political<br />
historian in so far as the former is naïve to one’s own historical irrelevance.<br />
Strauss held that “philosophy,” for Thucydides, “has no point <strong>of</strong><br />
entrance into political life. . . . The Peloponnesian War . . . is wholly<br />
independent <strong>of</strong> philosophy.” 28 To underscore this aspect <strong>of</strong> political<br />
history, Strauss contends that Plato believed that philosophy could shape<br />
political life directly, and accordingly we are told that his judgement <strong>of</strong><br />
political life is more severe. But, in stark contrast, Thucydides harboured<br />
no such beliefs, and his judgement <strong>of</strong> politics is correspondingly muted<br />
or tempered. There were things about the Peloponnesian war that<br />
Thucydides may have disliked, like the Athenian demagogue Cleon, and<br />
things he admired, like Spartan moderation, but he did not shrink from