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New Imperialists : Ideologies of Empire

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146 The <strong>New</strong> <strong>Imperialists</strong><br />

have a pr<strong>of</strong>ound effect on the course <strong>of</strong> events. 26 Accordingly, Thucydides’<br />

strong support for the virtue <strong>of</strong> moderation – a Delphic maxim at<br />

the core <strong>of</strong> ancient culture – is read as a form <strong>of</strong> prudential understanding<br />

grounded in his astute reading <strong>of</strong> history. Not only is<br />

Thucydides’ support for the virtue <strong>of</strong> moderation purely pragmatic in<br />

character, but Strauss stressed that Thucydides also balances his fondness<br />

for Sparta with support for Athenian daring and determination. States<br />

face natural limits in international relations imposed by the “logic” <strong>of</strong><br />

international life, and this encourages moderation; but states are also<br />

given to expand and test their limits in the manner <strong>of</strong> Athens. Thucydides<br />

admires both Athens and Sparta. But while Thucydides’ admiration<br />

for the moderation <strong>of</strong> Sparta leaps <strong>of</strong>f the pages <strong>of</strong> the text, his support<br />

for Athens, we learn, is conveyed “only between the lines <strong>of</strong> his work.” 27<br />

For our purposes these observations are less important for the fact that<br />

they infuse the schematic Straussian hermeneutic regarding exo/esotericism<br />

with dogmatism, and rather more important for the fact that they<br />

permit us to underscore the Straussian claim that Thucydidean virtues,<br />

namely his open embrace <strong>of</strong> Spartan moderation and his altogether<br />

unwritten praise <strong>of</strong> Athenian daring, are grounded exclusively in<br />

immanence.<br />

Straussian thought repudiates the idea that there are transcendent<br />

aspects to Thucydides’ manner <strong>of</strong> thinking. The standards <strong>of</strong> political<br />

history can only be political and historical; the Straussian contention is<br />

that the very core <strong>of</strong> political history rests on the conviction that international<br />

life is impervious to transcendent measure, and that no such<br />

moments ever appear in the History. Indeed, the wisdom <strong>of</strong> the philosopher<br />

easily runs the risk <strong>of</strong> being inferior to the wisdom <strong>of</strong> the political<br />

historian in so far as the former is naïve to one’s own historical irrelevance.<br />

Strauss held that “philosophy,” for Thucydides, “has no point <strong>of</strong><br />

entrance into political life. . . . The Peloponnesian War . . . is wholly<br />

independent <strong>of</strong> philosophy.” 28 To underscore this aspect <strong>of</strong> political<br />

history, Strauss contends that Plato believed that philosophy could shape<br />

political life directly, and accordingly we are told that his judgement <strong>of</strong><br />

political life is more severe. But, in stark contrast, Thucydides harboured<br />

no such beliefs, and his judgement <strong>of</strong> politics is correspondingly muted<br />

or tempered. There were things about the Peloponnesian war that<br />

Thucydides may have disliked, like the Athenian demagogue Cleon, and<br />

things he admired, like Spartan moderation, but he did not shrink from

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