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New Imperialists : Ideologies of Empire

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6 The <strong>New</strong> <strong>Imperialists</strong><br />

overwhelming military might becomes the only way <strong>of</strong> policing capitalist<br />

interests. When terrorist violence beyond the state is thrown into the<br />

mix, the problem becomes even more intractable. For these reasons, a<br />

more or less permanent state <strong>of</strong> warfare – war without end – has become<br />

definitive <strong>of</strong> twenty-first-century capitalism: “Boundless domination <strong>of</strong> a<br />

global economy, and <strong>of</strong> the multiple states that administer it, requires<br />

military action without end, in purpose or time.” 12<br />

If a state <strong>of</strong> permanent war has become the “new normal” <strong>of</strong> our time,<br />

it is clear why the discourse <strong>of</strong> empire has become so vital to those who<br />

defend this new order <strong>of</strong> things: the domestication <strong>of</strong> war and imperial<br />

conquest has become an urgent ideological imperative.<br />

The essays compiled here are intended as a challenge to these new<br />

ideologies <strong>of</strong> empire; their goal is to engage a broad range <strong>of</strong> the apologies<br />

for the new imperialism that have appeared in recent years.<br />

In the opening chapter, Ellen Meiksins Wood discusses why the new<br />

imperialism also requires a new concept <strong>of</strong> democracy, one that further<br />

removes the economic interests <strong>of</strong> capital from popular control and<br />

places the state more firmly than ever in the service <strong>of</strong> capital. Through a<br />

contemporary reading <strong>of</strong> Tocqueville’s views on American democracy,<br />

Aziz Al-Azmeh explores the irrational and illiberal roots <strong>of</strong> American<br />

political culture and their contemporary expression in U.S. attitudes<br />

toward the Arab world. Al-Azmeh warns <strong>of</strong> a deep compatibility between<br />

the Puritan communalism and libertarian multiculturalism that informs<br />

American thinking and the religious and communal sectarianism now<br />

being entrenched in the political and constitutional structures <strong>of</strong> the<br />

“new” Iraq. In chapter 3, Tariq Ali challenges the rhetoric <strong>of</strong> “civilizational<br />

clashes” put forward by Samuel Huntington and others, and its<br />

long-term consequences for the Middle East. Shahrzad Mojab debunks<br />

the claim that Western imperialism can end the religious and social<br />

oppression <strong>of</strong> women, arguing that the twin realities <strong>of</strong> imperialist war<br />

and religious fundamentalism threaten to worsen dramatically the<br />

situation <strong>of</strong> women in the Middle East. David McNally, in chapter 5,<br />

deconstructs Michael Ignatieff ’s concept <strong>of</strong> “imperialism lite,” revealing<br />

its fetishistic foundations. Ignatieff ’s imperialist narcissism, McNally<br />

argues, blinds him to the contradictions <strong>of</strong> a philosophical “ethics” which<br />

excuses torture and tolerates systematic human rights violations as<br />

“lesser evils.” Chapter 6 critiques the rehabilitation <strong>of</strong> British imperial<br />

history by the conservative historian Niall Ferguson and his call for a

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