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The Geneva Protocol, by David Hunter Miller

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CHAPTER XX. 137<br />

18. <strong>The</strong> above brief summary indicates how in the <strong>Protocol</strong> the committees of the Assembly have sought to<br />

embody, in concrete form, the proposals made to the Assembly itself <strong>by</strong> the British and French Prime<br />

Ministers. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Protocol</strong> is an attempt to complete the Covenant, to facilitate and develop the procedure of<br />

pacific settlement provided therein, and to define more clearly the obligations imposed <strong>by</strong> it on States<br />

Members of the League. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Protocol</strong> is based on the Covenant and keeps within its terms except in so far<br />

that it extends the Covenant procedure to give an alternative procedure <strong>by</strong> peaceful {227} settlement, even in<br />

those cases for which the framers of the Covenant in 1919 were unable to find a remedy. So far as it contains<br />

anything new, it is to be found in the definition of aggression which follows as a necessary corollary to the<br />

limitations inserted in the establishment of a universal system of peaceful settlement. But even here the<br />

principle is not new. Article 16 of the Covenant decreed that sanctions should be applied against any Member<br />

of the League that might "resort to war in disregard of its Covenants under articles 12, 13 or 15." Article 10 of<br />

the <strong>Protocol</strong> decrees sanctions against any State resorting to war without availing itself or in defiance of, the<br />

procedure of pacific settlement provided in the Covenant as amplified <strong>by</strong> the <strong>Protocol</strong> itself. <strong>The</strong> amplification<br />

of that procedure to cover all cases, so as to remove all excuse for resort to war, has enabled the framers of the<br />

<strong>Protocol</strong> to give a more exact definition of aggression, and to make that definition more certain and more<br />

automatic. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Protocol</strong> is thus free from the reproach that had been levelled against the Draft Treaty of<br />

Mutual Assistance, which left a wide and dangerous discretion to the Council in determining which party to a<br />

dispute was the aggressor. It further discards the system proposed in the draft Treaty, where<strong>by</strong> power was<br />

given to the Council to decide on and to direct the military sanctions required. <strong>The</strong> draft Treaty tended<br />

towards the realisation of the idea of the League as a "super-State": the <strong>Protocol</strong> respects the principle of<br />

national sovereignty. Every State retains its own liberty of action: it is still free to choose what it will do. <strong>The</strong><br />

<strong>Protocol</strong> has stated in clearer terms what is expected of those who signed the Covenant in 1919, and it is to be<br />

hoped that this more explicit declaration may serve to deter those who would contemplate a violation of the<br />

spirit of the Covenant, whilst reassuring those who have hitherto sought safety in their own armed strength, <strong>by</strong><br />

giving them confidence in the solidarity of the civilised nations and in their determination to resist all<br />

unscrupulous attempts to plunge the world again into the disaster of war.<br />

{228}<br />

19. It remains only to say a few words as to the actual procedure adopted <strong>by</strong> the Assembly for putting into<br />

effect the scheme thus elaborated. It was generally agreed that mere resolutions of the Assembly would not<br />

give sufficient assurance of progress. <strong>The</strong> famous Resolution 14 of the Third Assembly had been discussed<br />

and debated and had seemed to lead to an impasse with the rejection of the Treaty of Mutual Assistance. <strong>The</strong><br />

Prime Minister, in his speech to the Assembly, had said: "Let us see to it that even before we rise, before the<br />

Assembly breaks up, some substantial progress shall be made in co-ordinating these ideas and in producing<br />

from their apparent diversities some measure of agreement and consent." It was therefore decided that the<br />

scheme should be embodied in the form of a <strong>Protocol</strong>, ready for signature, and that the Assembly should pass<br />

a resolution endorsing the principles contained therein, recommending the <strong>Protocol</strong> to the Governments for<br />

their acceptance, and directing that it should be opened immediately for signature. <strong>The</strong> terms of this<br />

Resolution, which was carried unanimously, have already been published.<br />

20. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Protocol</strong> itself was signed in <strong>Geneva</strong> <strong>by</strong> Delegates of the Governments of Albania, Bulgaria, Esthonia,<br />

France, Greece, Latvia, Poland, Portugal, the Serb-Croat-Slovene State and Czechoslovakia. <strong>The</strong> Delegate of<br />

France at the same time signed on behalf of his Government the special <strong>Protocol</strong> opened for signature in<br />

virtue of article 36, paragraph 2, of the Statute of the Permanent Court of International Justice, making the<br />

following declaration:--<br />

"I here<strong>by</strong> declare that, subject to ratification, the French Government gives its adhesion to the optional clause<br />

of article 36, paragraph 2, of the Statute of the Court, on the condition of reciprocity, for a period of fifteen<br />

years, with power of denunciation, should the <strong>Protocol</strong> of Arbitration, Security and the Reduction of<br />

Armaments, signed this day, lapse, and further, subject to the observations made at the First Committee of the<br />

Fifth Assembly, according to the terms of which 'one of the {229} parties to the dispute may bring the said

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