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The Geneva Protocol, by David Hunter Miller

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CHAPTER IX. 36<br />

To see how this would work out, let us suppose that in an arbitration between State A and State B, State A<br />

obtained an award to the effect that State B should pay to it the sum of twenty million dollars. <strong>The</strong>reupon<br />

State B refuses to pay the award and, notwithstanding the efforts of the Council, maintains that {52} refusal,<br />

there<strong>by</strong> violating its agreement in the <strong>Protocol</strong> (and in the Covenant also) to carry out any such award.<br />

<strong>The</strong>reupon the Council authorizes State A to use force to collect the money. It is no answer to this to say that<br />

the Council would not authorize the use of force, for we are considering what may be done, not what would be<br />

done. State A then begins to use force and, if State B resists at all, the entire machinery of the Sanctions of the<br />

<strong>Protocol</strong> can be brought into play and these include military and naval Sanctions.<br />

Of course, such a result would be highly improbable, but I submit that it ought to be legally impossible. <strong>The</strong><br />

provisions of the <strong>Protocol</strong> in this regard go very much farther than they ought to go, and very much farther, in<br />

my opinion, than the States of the world are now willing to go.<br />

<strong>The</strong> case which I have supposed is one of a money judgment. A more difficult case would be one where the<br />

award was for the recovery <strong>by</strong> State A of certain territory in the possession of State B which State B<br />

thereupon refused to give up. In such a case there is more to be said for the use of force than in the other.<br />

In any case, the refusal of a State to carry out the judicial decision or the arbitral award after solemnly<br />

agreeing to do so is a very serious breach of a treaty; but the idea of the authorization of force to execute such<br />

a decision seems to me to present a question of the very gravest character. My own view is against it. I am<br />

inclined to think that the penalty of expulsion from the League under the fourth paragraph of Article 16 of the<br />

Covenant should be the utmost permissible.<br />

Whether this view of mine be correct or not, certainly the countries of the world are not going to accept any<br />

provision <strong>by</strong> which they will be obligated in advance to join in measures to enforce the result of an arbitration<br />

or of a litigation before the Permanent Court. Whether they will agree to a provision permitting the successful<br />

party, so to speak, to execute the decision or award on its own account is perhaps doubtful; but certainly they<br />

will go no farther, if as far; and this is one of the provisions {53} of the <strong>Protocol</strong> which will have to be<br />

changed before the document becomes a reality.<br />

Subject to the foregoing exceptions, the general covenant under Article 2 of the <strong>Protocol</strong> not to go to war is, in<br />

my opinion all inclusive. It obviously includes all cases where there is a dispute of international cognizance,<br />

for in such cases all parties agree upon a final and binding method of decision and agree to carry out the<br />

decision. It also includes, as pointed out previously,[4] all cases in which one State would seek to change <strong>by</strong><br />

force the status quo, or to prevent <strong>by</strong> force a lawful change in the status quo.[5] Neither the lawful<br />

maintenance of the status quo nor its lawful change would come within the general exceptions of Article 2.<br />

Furthermore, the covenant against war in Article 2 would also exclude the going to war about domestic<br />

questions. All that any Signatory agrees to do regarding such a question, if, when raised internationally, it is<br />

not settled <strong>by</strong> negotiation, is to discuss it before the Council or the Assembly.[6] A State which did that would<br />

have fulfilled all its obligations regardless of any action or inaction as to the domestic question itself; and an<br />

attack made on it <strong>by</strong> any other State would then be aggression under the terms of the <strong>Protocol</strong>. <strong>The</strong>re is no<br />

exception. As the Report to the Fifth Assembly says,[7] "Our purpose was to make war impossible, to kill it,<br />

to annihilate it." This, if lived up to <strong>by</strong> the Parties, the paper does, as among them.<br />

<strong>The</strong> detailed provisions of Articles 7 to 10 inclusive of the <strong>Protocol</strong> confirm the views above expressed. <strong>The</strong><br />

provisions of these Articles will be more specially considered in connection with the question of<br />

Aggression.[8]<br />

[1] See the discussion on this point, infra, p. 72, et seq.

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