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The Geneva Protocol, by David Hunter Miller

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CHAPTER XV. 61<br />

from treaty and consequently not a situation binding on Third States, but as to them simply a situation in<br />

which their rights were governed <strong>by</strong> the principles of international law. Under these rules, the nearest<br />

approach to such a situation is the so-called pacific blockade of the past.<br />

{92}<br />

In my view, which is the view of the vast majority of writers on the question, Third States do not have to<br />

respect a pacific blockade. (See Oppenheim, 3rd edition, Vol. II, page 56.) Accordingly, it seems to me that<br />

the United States would be entitled to regard such a blockade as not affecting her commerce with Russia.[6]<br />

If the United States took such a position, as probably she would, the practical value of such a blockade would<br />

be very largely diminished, for I do not think there is any doubt that the Members of the League would admit<br />

that the blockade only applied to such Third States outside the League of Nations as might acquiesce in it.<br />

Under the <strong>Protocol</strong>, precisely the same legal situation as to the blockade of Russia exists as under the<br />

Covenant and the same conclusions would follow. However, the probability of such a blockade under the<br />

<strong>Protocol</strong>, without an actual state of war resulting, is much less than under the Covenant. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Protocol</strong><br />

provides definitely for military sanctions and it can hardly be doubted, as a matter of reality, that if the<br />

sanctions of the <strong>Protocol</strong> commenced to be applied to a State in or out of the League and that State resisted,<br />

the result would be war as between that resisting State and at least those of the Members of the League, like<br />

Great Britain, that were taking a real part in the application of the sanctions.<br />

And, as pointed out above, the legal situation is much clearer in the case of war than in the case of this<br />

economic and financial boycott of the Covenant. It would be much "easier"[7] to go to war than it would be to<br />

apply the economic and financial sanctions alone. <strong>The</strong> world has gotten more or less used, in a legal sense, to<br />

the legalities and illegalities of war; but there are no precedents as to the corresponding situations[8] in such a<br />

{93} blockade as has been suggested; and it is, above all, custom and general agreement that make<br />

international law.<br />

I may sum up my views on this point as follows:<br />

If under either the Covenant or the <strong>Protocol</strong>, the economic sanctions were applied either against a Member of<br />

the League or a non-Member of the League and the application of these sanctions did not result in war, the<br />

United States legally could, and very likely would, contend that any resulting blockade was not applicable to<br />

the United States and the commerce and intercourse of her residents; and this view would be accepted <strong>by</strong> the<br />

Members of the League as being legally sound; and the result of course would be that the practical effect of<br />

any such blockade would be very much weakened.<br />

However, if the application of the sanctions either of the Covenant or of the <strong>Protocol</strong> resulted in war between<br />

the State against which the sanctions were applied and the States applying them, the United States could not<br />

object to that state of war, although of course it would have its rights as a neutral in such a war as in any other<br />

war and these neutral rights would not be affected <strong>by</strong> any provision of either the Covenant or the <strong>Protocol</strong>.<br />

<strong>The</strong> next consideration is the possible application of sanctions against the United States. From the foregoing<br />

review of the provisions of the Covenant and of the <strong>Protocol</strong> it is evident that such action against the United<br />

States is possible from a theoretic point of view. It is, however, important here to repeat that there is no<br />

possible sanction in either paper against a non-Member of the League except after war breaks out, a war<br />

which the non-Member of the League has commenced against a Member or against a Signatory to the<br />

<strong>Protocol</strong> as the case may be. In other words, the sanctions of either paper could only become operative against<br />

the United States after the United States had gone to war against a Member of the League.<br />

Continuing the theoretic view of the matter, it would be idle to discuss any difference between one kind of

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