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The Geneva Protocol, by David Hunter Miller

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CHAPTER VII. 25<br />

As a preliminary, let me say that the Treaties of Peace in this connection cannot include the Treaty of<br />

Lausanne with Turkey. Certainly at the time that that Treaty was negotiated there was {32} no imposed peace<br />

on Turkey; as a matter of fact the Turkish negotiators had things pretty much their own way with the Allies.<br />

So that we are considering merely the Treaties with Germany, Austria, Hungary and Bulgaria.<br />

In the first place, the question in many cases as to whether or not there is any such thing as a "just" frontier is<br />

at least a very doubtful one. I put it this way. If you have a situation where reasonable, impartial and informed<br />

minds can differ, you do not have a situation where it can be arbitrarily said <strong>by</strong> any one that any one frontier is<br />

the just frontier. Of course I am not talking of the type of mind which insists that the particular line that he<br />

would draw is the one and only line, despite the views of anybody else, because to admit such a theory would<br />

mean the admission of the existence of perhaps fifty different frontiers between the same two countries at the<br />

same time.<br />

Now as to the Peace Treaties, we certainly have that situation to a very large extent. I do not see how any one<br />

could contend that the existence of the Polish corridor is a perfect solution, nor do I see how any one could<br />

contend that the absence of the Polish corridor would be a perfect solution. One of the Polish Delegation said<br />

to me in Paris in December, 1918, in substance, that it would be impossible to draw a frontier between<br />

Germany and Poland which would not do an injustice to one country or to the other or to both, and I believe<br />

that his observation is perfectly sound.<br />

<strong>The</strong> same thing is true as between Roumania and Hungary, and perhaps more true.<br />

My sympathies as to Vilna are rather with the Lithuanians than with the Poles, but no one can read the<br />

documents without seeing that the Poles have a case.<br />

My own view has always been that the frontier between Poland and Russia is too far to the East, but none the<br />

less the Russians, after a fashion, agreed to it.<br />

Most of those whose opinions I respect believe that it was wrong to give the Austrian Tyrol to Italy. Despite<br />

those views, I have always believed that the decision was defensible.<br />

{33}<br />

Different American experts of the highest qualifications, of the utmost sincerity and of complete impartiality<br />

took different views as to Fiume and the Italian-Yugo-Slav frontier generally. In such circumstances, who<br />

could say, what tribunal could decide, the "just" frontier?<br />

I am willing to admit that this uncertainty on the question of justice may not exist in every case. I have always<br />

believed that some of the cessions of territory forced on Bulgaria were utterly indefensible from any point of<br />

view whatsoever. I refer, not to Macedonia, that impossible jumble of contradictions, but more particularly to<br />

Western Thrace.<br />

My own view is that, on the whole and taken <strong>by</strong> and large, the existing frontiers in Europe are more near to<br />

justice than ever before in modern history.<br />

But I am going to assume for the rest of this discussion that some of these frontiers are wrong and should be<br />

changed. What is our answer to that situation?<br />

Let me point out in the first place that the mere fact that a frontier was imposed <strong>by</strong> force resulting in a peace<br />

treaty is not necessarily anything against it. Take the case of Alsace-Lorraine, for example; or take a still more<br />

striking case, the case of Germany and Denmark. Admittedly, in and out of Germany, the result as to Slesvig<br />

was just and should continue.

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