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The Geneva Protocol, by David Hunter Miller

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CHAPTER XV. 60<br />

refusing to settle its dispute with that Member (Covenant, Article 17, paragraph 3).<br />

Suppose at the time of the Corfu dispute, Italy had gone on {90} to war against Greece, and the British had<br />

deemed it their duty to apply an economic blockade against Italy.<br />

Suppose another case; suppose that Russia attacked Poland and that the British deemed it their duty to apply<br />

the economic blockade against Russia. We are speaking here in both of these cases merely of the provisions of<br />

the Covenant; and the question raised is what attitude might the United States take in such a case as one of<br />

these.<br />

I have suggested two instances for the reason that there is a slight difference between them. That difference<br />

lies in the fact that in the first instance supposed, Italy, as a Member of the League, would have agreed to the<br />

application of the sanctions; they would have been applied <strong>by</strong> the British as a result of Italy breaking her<br />

treaty. But in the second instance, Russia never having agreed to the Covenant, the sanctions would be applied<br />

<strong>by</strong> the British solely as a result of the British agreement to apply them and not because of any legal breach <strong>by</strong><br />

Russia, however morally wrong her attack on Poland might be.<br />

I do not think that the difference between the two supposed cases would make any difference legally in the<br />

attitude that the United States might take in the one case or the other. <strong>The</strong> blockade would arise from the<br />

provisions of the Covenant in either case. To that document the United States is not a party. In each case our<br />

correct legal position would be that our international rights were not limited <strong>by</strong> the agreement of others.<br />

Accordingly, let us consider the case of the blockade of Russia <strong>by</strong> the British, recalling that, under the<br />

hypothesis, Russia has attacked Poland and that the economic and financial blockade of the first paragraph of<br />

Article 16 of the Covenant has come into full force. Now, so far as that blockade cut off relations between<br />

Great Britain and Russia, it would be none of our business. But the language of Article 16 includes<br />

"the prevention of all financial, commercial or personal intercourse between the nationals (residents)[5] of the<br />

Covenant-breaking State (Russia, under the hypothesis; {91} see Covenant, Article 17) and the nationals<br />

(residents) of any other State, whether a Member of the League or not."<br />

What this would mean would be that all intercourse between Russia and the United States would be cut off <strong>by</strong><br />

the British Fleet so far as they could do it. <strong>The</strong> questions suggested are: Could the United States protest; and<br />

would we protest?<br />

<strong>The</strong> first question is a question of law. Would the United States have the right under international law to<br />

object to such a blockade? As a preliminary to the answer to this question, it must be pointed out that a<br />

blockade of Russia <strong>by</strong> the British might result in two different situations. Russia could undoubtedly regard<br />

such a blockade as being war, and if she did, no other country, neither the United States nor any other country,<br />

could then object to the blockade. <strong>The</strong> reason for that is that, without going into the much debated question as<br />

to the "legality" of war, under present international law it can at least be said that a neutral may not object to<br />

the belligerent status of two countries at war with each other. Of course a neutral may object to the manner of<br />

carrying on the war, or to particular incidents during the fighting; a neutral may protest that a particular<br />

blockade is not binding because not effective, and so on; but these things are not immediately important here.<br />

<strong>The</strong> important thing here is that if the blockade resulted in war, we could not object to the fact of war and its<br />

incidents.<br />

On the other hand, a blockade might continue merely as a blockade, without the technical status of war<br />

arising. This is, I suppose, not very likely in the case of the blockade of a Great Power, but still it is legally<br />

possible under the terms of the Covenant.<br />

<strong>The</strong> situation created would be new under international law. It would have to be considered as arising wholly

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