Formal Approaches to Semantic Microvariation: Adverbial ...
Formal Approaches to Semantic Microvariation: Adverbial ...
Formal Approaches to Semantic Microvariation: Adverbial ...
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quantifiers Q ′ leads <strong>to</strong> the construction of a resumptive quantifier Q ′′ of the<br />
type < 1 k ,k > such that:<br />
Q ′′A 1...A k (R) = Q A 1×A 2 ×...A k<br />
(R)<br />
E k<br />
where A 1 ...A k are subsets of the universe of discourse E.<br />
Standard French Resumption has no such extension. I therefore reformulate de Swart<br />
& Sag’s extension of Resumption in<strong>to</strong> the following extension of CONCORD in QF.<br />
(20) The application of CONCORD <strong>to</strong> a sequence of k type < 1,1 > anti-additive<br />
quantifiers NO and l type < 0 > anti-additive quantifiers Q ′ leads <strong>to</strong> the construction<br />
of a quantifier NO ′ such that:<br />
NO ′A 1...A k (R) = NO A 1×A 2 ×...A k<br />
(R)<br />
E k<br />
where A 1 ...A k are subsets of the universe of discourse E.<br />
The reason that pas is included in the NC system of QF may be a reflection of the<br />
fact that NC is a much more general phenomenon in the dialect of French spoken<br />
in Québec than in the standard dialect. In fact, it is unclear whether QF ever allows<br />
double negation readings of multiple anti-additive quantifiers. As observed by Déprez<br />
& Martineau (2004), sentences with multiple N-words in Québec French are extremely<br />
difficult <strong>to</strong> interpret with double negation.<br />
(21) a. Personne a (pas) pu rien nous dire<br />
No one has (not) could nothing us tell<br />
‘No one could tell us anything’ Only<br />
b. Aucun enfant a (pas) rien mangé<br />
No child has (not) nothing eaten<br />
‘No child has eaten anything’ No double negation<br />
(Déprez & Martineau (2004: 9))<br />
101