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Formal Approaches to Semantic Microvariation: Adverbial ...

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forward: The polyadic elements combine with the set of ordered pairs denoted by lire<br />

de lives <strong>to</strong> yield a truth value, and so block the merger of combien.<br />

This analysis also makes some predictions: I predict that, should binding of the de<br />

phrase by beaucoup be impossible for some reason, beaucoup in this case should not<br />

block Split-Combien. We can, in fact, find such a case. Recall that beaucoup cannot<br />

bind a de phrase across a tensed clause boundary.<br />

(45) *J’ai beaucoup dit que t’as lu de livres<br />

I have a lot said that you have read of books<br />

We can now construct a sentence in which beaucoup appears in a higher clause <strong>to</strong><br />

see if it blocks Split-Combien. The construction of this example requires a particular<br />

context. Suppose for example that you’ve been spreading rumours about me in which<br />

you say that I’ve kissed a certain number of guys. In other words, you’ve been saying<br />

a lot that I kissed a certain number of guys. I want <strong>to</strong> know what that number is, so I<br />

ask:<br />

(46) ?Combien as-tu beaucoup dit que j’ai embrassé de gars?<br />

How many have you a lot said that I have kissed of guys<br />

‘How many guys did you say a lot that I kissed?’<br />

Although this sentence is clearly very heavy 7 , many speakers find (46) an improvement<br />

on (47) in which beaucoup is allowed <strong>to</strong> bind de gars. (intended meaning: How many<br />

guys did you say that I kissed a lot?)<br />

(47) *Combien as-tu dit que j’ai beaucoup embrassé de gars?<br />

how many have you said that I have a lot kissed of guys<br />

It must be noted that my analysis of negative quantifiers as polyadic opera<strong>to</strong>rs only<br />

7 In particular, some speakers simply cannot use beaucoup with the verb dire.<br />

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