Formal Approaches to Semantic Microvariation: Adverbial ...

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(iii) A i+1 is in a MC with A i (Rizzi (2001:91)) Since combien and beaucoup are both of the same structural type (degree adverbs), RM correctly predicts the beaucoup should block Split-Combien. However, it is well known that, in this formulation, RM does not fully capture the class of elements that block combien. As noticed by Obenauer (1983), only some adverbs block Split-Combien. In particular, modifiers, like manner adverbs, are not interveners. (34) Combien as-tu attentivement lu de livres? how many have you attentively read of books ‘How many books did you read attentively?’ The adverbs that have been identified in the literature as blocking Split-Combien are the following: 1) degree adverbs (like beaucoup, tellement, assez etc.) (35) a. *Combien as-tu tellement lu de livres que...? b. *Combien as-tu assez lu de livres pour...? c. *Combien as-tu pas mal lu de livres? 2) Negative adverbs like pas and jamais. (36) a. *Combien as-tu pas lu de livres? b. *Combien as-tu jamais lu de livres? 3) The interrogative manner adverb comment ‘how’. (37) *Combien sais-tu comment résoudre de problèmes? how many know-you how solve of problems 106
4) The frequency adverb souvent ‘often’. (38) *Combien as-tu souvent lu de livres? To explain why modifiers do not block combien, Rizzi (2001) claims that the notion of ‘structural type’ is too coarse; he proposes that RM holds at the level of certain syntactico-semantic features. He proposes that beaucoup, combien and the other interveners are assigned quantificational [+Q] features, and that comment and combien are both assigned [+WH] features. The other adverbs are assigned modifier features. Since combien is [+Q,+WH], only the elements with matching features will intervene. As Rizzi (2001: 104) says, The crucial step is to assume that RM only holds within classes of features, but not across them. So the quantificational amount/frequency adverb beaucoup will determine a Minimality effect on the quantificational chain aiming at a wh-position in [(30)], while the pure modifier adverb attentivement will have no effect on the wh-chain in [(34)]. However, there are reasons to think that this revision of RM does not work either. For example, other things besides quantificational adverbs block Split-Combien. For example, Split-Combien is bad with negative QNPs such as Personne or aucun enfant. (39) a. *Combien est-ce que personne a lu de livres? b. *Combien est-ce qu’aucun enfant a lu de livres? Note that these quantifiers are fine with canonical quantification. (40) a. Combien de livres est-ce que personne a lus? how many of books is-it that no one has read 107
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
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3.3.1 Split DPs in Old French . . .
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CHAPTER 1 Introduction This thesis
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concrete example of the contributio
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The thesis is organized as follows:
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As pointed out by Keenan & Westerst
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following definitions for beaucoup
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‘I slept a lot’ b. Je suis beau
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(21) Let s 1 ∈ N such that 0 < s
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involves unreducible binary quantif
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dently, are islands for movement. A
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a. ...parce qu’une longue bibliog
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f. Elle a tellement applaudi que..
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2.1.2.3 Multiplicity of Events Anot
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. Elle vient d’avoir beaucoup d
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‘Jean has owned a lot of horses
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sis [i.e. movement analysis-H.B], s
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object. Other more complicated move
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Only the (internal) arguments of V
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Semantic incorporation has been pro
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Based on a study of the scope prope
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QAD sentences with multiple events
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. Quatre mille navires sont passés
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She proposes that nouns contain two
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(Doetjes (1997: 271, her (40)) Seco
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As shown below, like souvent, rarem
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(79) a. J’ai rarement apprécié
Page 55 and 56: 2.2.1 The Unreducibility of BCP SF
Page 57 and 58: (where s = 1 or t = 1, and s or t =
Page 59 and 60: phrases in object position are comb
Page 61 and 62: . *J’ai beaucoup écrit ma thèse
Page 63 and 64: As mentioned above, a major problem
Page 65 and 66: She attributes this exceptional vio
Page 67 and 68: (106) Different students answered d
Page 69 and 70: (2) a. Dans cette cassette, il a be
Page 71 and 72: (10) J’ai beaucoup appelé de mè
Page 73 and 74: (16) Theorem 2: For all s ∈ N, BC
Page 75 and 76: BCP 1 s ({x : ∃e(Reading(e,I,x) &
Page 77 and 78: c. *Marie beaucoup a lu de livres M
Page 79 and 80: . la perte doit moult desplaire the
Page 81 and 82: (28) Peu portent fruit et assez fue
Page 83 and 84: ‘There are a lot of countries in
Page 85 and 86: The second argument that Split [+Te
Page 87 and 88: 3.3.3 Summary In the study of the e
Page 89 and 90: (40) J’ai beaucoup mangé de pomm
Page 91 and 92: (45) a. il confessa qu’il avoit b
Page 93 and 94: (1) pas ‘not’, point ‘not’,
Page 95 and 96: in this way to account for another
Page 97 and 98: (10) is entirely true for Québec F
Page 99 and 100: avoid confusion, I therefore re-nam
Page 101 and 102: quantifiers Q ′ leads to the cons
Page 103 and 104: and cannot combine with a one-place
Page 105: As first noticed by Obenauer (1976)
Page 109 and 110: Nevertheless, Rizzi and Obenauer’
Page 111 and 112: forward: The polyadic elements comb
Page 113 and 114: quantifiers in Québec French, I st
Page 115 and 116: (Doetjes (2007)). (52) L’été pa
Page 117 and 118: I proposed that the elements that l
Page 119 and 120: BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, Marianne. 1987.
Page 121 and 122: Doetjes, Jenny. 1997. Quantifiers a
Page 123 and 124: Labelle, Marie and Daniel Valois. 2
Page 125: Rowlett, Paul. 1996. Negative Confi
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