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Formal Approaches to Semantic Microvariation: Adverbial ...

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It is therefore reasonable <strong>to</strong> analyze the sentences in (21) and (22) as involving movement:<br />

the adnominal quantifiers peu and moult are moved from a position inside the<br />

direct object <strong>to</strong> a <strong>to</strong>pic position in the left periphery of the clause. Therefore, in Old<br />

French, in split DPs, the quantifier is always a determiner whose domain consists<br />

uniquely of properties composed of objects.<br />

A fact that is relevant <strong>to</strong> the development of QAD in French is that it was very<br />

common for degree quantifiers <strong>to</strong> be <strong>to</strong>picalized in their use as verbal modifiers. An<br />

example of this with peu is shown in (26).<br />

(26) Poi me redoute Synagons<br />

little me fear Synagon-NOM<br />

‘Synagon fears me little’<br />

Anon. Moniage Guillaume, Seconde Redaction. (1180) p. 223<br />

Thus, in Old French, although they were semantically different, the object quantifier<br />

peu and the event quantifier peu often occupied the same syntactic position. This<br />

gives rise <strong>to</strong> strings in the language with the adverb in <strong>to</strong>pic position that look formally<br />

very similar <strong>to</strong> structures in which the determiner is in <strong>to</strong>pic position. An example of<br />

a <strong>to</strong>picalized adverb with a de phrase verbal complement is shown below.<br />

(27) Moult me mervail de ces clers sages<br />

a lot me marvel of these clerics wise<br />

‘I marvel a lot at these wise clerics’<br />

Hue de Rotelande. Ipomédon. (1180). p. 63.<br />

The fact that the two uses of a degree quantifier could co-occur in the same position<br />

could even result in strings that were ambiguous. For example in (28), peu could either<br />

be quantifying over fruit ‘fruit’ or portent ‘bring’.<br />

80

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