Formal Approaches to Semantic Microvariation: Adverbial ...

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complex elements consisting of the determiner NO (type < 1,1 >), and some common noun denotation (a set). For example, for them, personne is semantically the generalized quantifier NO(HUMAN), and rien is semantically NO(T HING). Therefore, in a sentence like (8), before the application of Resumption, we have a string of GQs all containing the determiner NO. (8) a. Personne a rien donné à personne No one has nothing given to no one b. NO(HUMAN)(NO(THING)(NO(HUMAN)(GIVE))) Since we have a string of identical unary quantifiers (NOs), Resumption applies forming the polyadic quantifier NO ′ . (9) [NO ′HUMAN,T HING,HUMAN ](GIV E) (8) is true just in case there are no pairs < x,y,z > in GIV E, where x ∈ HUMAN,y ∈ T HING, and z ∈ HUMAN. In other words, (8) is true just in case GIV E is the empty relation. In order to account for the double negation reading of personne a rien fait, they propose that the application of Resumption in Standard French is optional, and that “double negation readings of two concord items are analyzed in terms of iteration of two anti-additive quantifiers” de Swart & Sag (2002: 385). I propose that de Swart & Sag’s polyadic quantification analysis of French N-words can be extended to account for the distribution of bare de phrases under negation. The main argument for this proposal comes from the fact in (10). (10) The negative quantifiers that license de phrases are the same quantifiers that participate in negative concord. 96
(10) is entirely true for Québec French. It is almost true for Standard French. In this dialect, pas forces a double negation reading of sentences with multiple N-words. I will return to the question of dialectal variation in negative concord after I outline my analysis of de phrases in negative contexts. Putting pas aside for the moment, we see that the elements that license de phrases in their scope, also participate in negative concord. (8) shows that NC is possible with personne and rien. (11) shows examples of NC with the other elements licensing de. (11) a. Je suis jamais allée nullepart I was never gone nowhere ‘I’ve never gone anywhere’ b. Je suis partie sans plus rien dire I was gone without no more nothing say ‘I left without saying anything more’ c. Personne a acheté aucun livre No one has bought no book ‘No one bought any book’ d. Ni Jean ni Marie a rien acheté Neither Jean nor Marie has nothing bought ‘Neither Jean nor Marie bought anything’ Note additionally, that de phrases are perfectly licit in NC sentences, and their meaning is straightforward: (12) Personne a donné de livres à personne No one has given of books to no one ‘No one gave any books to anyone’ As in the case of QAD, de phrases serve to restrict the direct object co-ordinate to the property that they denote. I therefore propose that, in negative sentences, de phrases are combined with the verb via Restrict’ to form a complex predicate. 97
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
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3.3.1 Split DPs in Old French . . .
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CHAPTER 1 Introduction This thesis
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concrete example of the contributio
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The thesis is organized as follows:
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As pointed out by Keenan & Westerst
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following definitions for beaucoup
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‘I slept a lot’ b. Je suis beau
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(21) Let s 1 ∈ N such that 0 < s
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involves unreducible binary quantif
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dently, are islands for movement. A
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a. ...parce qu’une longue bibliog
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f. Elle a tellement applaudi que..
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2.1.2.3 Multiplicity of Events Anot
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. Elle vient d’avoir beaucoup d
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‘Jean has owned a lot of horses
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sis [i.e. movement analysis-H.B], s
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object. Other more complicated move
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Only the (internal) arguments of V
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Semantic incorporation has been pro
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Based on a study of the scope prope
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QAD sentences with multiple events
Page 45 and 46: . Quatre mille navires sont passés
Page 47 and 48: She proposes that nouns contain two
Page 49 and 50: (Doetjes (1997: 271, her (40)) Seco
Page 51 and 52: As shown below, like souvent, rarem
Page 53 and 54: (79) a. J’ai rarement apprécié
Page 55 and 56: 2.2.1 The Unreducibility of BCP SF
Page 57 and 58: (where s = 1 or t = 1, and s or t =
Page 59 and 60: phrases in object position are comb
Page 61 and 62: . *J’ai beaucoup écrit ma thèse
Page 63 and 64: As mentioned above, a major problem
Page 65 and 66: She attributes this exceptional vio
Page 67 and 68: (106) Different students answered d
Page 69 and 70: (2) a. Dans cette cassette, il a be
Page 71 and 72: (10) J’ai beaucoup appelé de mè
Page 73 and 74: (16) Theorem 2: For all s ∈ N, BC
Page 75 and 76: BCP 1 s ({x : ∃e(Reading(e,I,x) &
Page 77 and 78: c. *Marie beaucoup a lu de livres M
Page 79 and 80: . la perte doit moult desplaire the
Page 81 and 82: (28) Peu portent fruit et assez fue
Page 83 and 84: ‘There are a lot of countries in
Page 85 and 86: The second argument that Split [+Te
Page 87 and 88: 3.3.3 Summary In the study of the e
Page 89 and 90: (40) J’ai beaucoup mangé de pomm
Page 91 and 92: (45) a. il confessa qu’il avoit b
Page 93 and 94: (1) pas ‘not’, point ‘not’,
Page 95: in this way to account for another
Page 99 and 100: avoid confusion, I therefore re-nam
Page 101 and 102: quantifiers Q ′ leads to the cons
Page 103 and 104: and cannot combine with a one-place
Page 105 and 106: As first noticed by Obenauer (1976)
Page 107 and 108: 4) The frequency adverb souvent ‘
Page 109 and 110: Nevertheless, Rizzi and Obenauer’
Page 111 and 112: forward: The polyadic elements comb
Page 113 and 114: quantifiers in Québec French, I st
Page 115 and 116: (Doetjes (2007)). (52) L’été pa
Page 117 and 118: I proposed that the elements that l
Page 119 and 120: BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, Marianne. 1987.
Page 121 and 122: Doetjes, Jenny. 1997. Quantifiers a
Page 123 and 124: Labelle, Marie and Daniel Valois. 2
Page 125: Rowlett, Paul. 1996. Negative Confi
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