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Formal Approaches to Semantic Microvariation: Adverbial ...

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and European French), such an approach is not commonly applied <strong>to</strong> variation in the<br />

semantic domain. 3<br />

Thus, while it might be reasonable <strong>to</strong> expect that all languages<br />

may share certain core semantic features, it is not generally considered reasonable <strong>to</strong><br />

expect that, when it comes <strong>to</strong> finer grained semantic distinctions, languages that are<br />

not closely related should have semantically similar or identical lexical items or even<br />

identical modes of composition. For example, although very interesting, the fact that<br />

English and Lilooet Salish differ in the syntactic form of their generalized quantifiers<br />

is not particularly surprising, since English and Salish are otherwise syntactically very<br />

different. However, looking at variation in the interpretation of strings of mutually intelligible,<br />

related dialects allows us <strong>to</strong> start from the assumption that, in most respects,<br />

the syntax of these languages is very similar, if not identical. We can therefore identify<br />

subtle differences between the dialects that we can reliably attribute purely <strong>to</strong> the<br />

semantics of their expressions.<br />

The comparison of European and Canadian dialects of French lends itself especially<br />

well <strong>to</strong> the study of semantic microvariation, since there is a great deal of evidence<br />

that suggests that the French first spoken on Canadian soil after the colonization<br />

of Canada in the 17th century was roughly the spoken language of urban France of<br />

that period (Morin (2002)), i.e. the European ances<strong>to</strong>r of <strong>to</strong>day’s standard dialect.<br />

Because, for the most part, these dialects are mutually intelligible, and they have a<br />

relatively recent common source, we can suppose that the intersection of their grammars<br />

is extremely large. Thus, I claim that the discovery that one dialect has binary<br />

adverbial quantifiers and the other one does not has the potential <strong>to</strong> inform us about<br />

the syntactic and semantic role of binary quantification in human language, in a way<br />

that discoveries about quantifiers in unrelated languages cannot.<br />

3 One exception <strong>to</strong> this is Chierchia (1998)’s Nominal Argument Mapping Parameter; however this<br />

is really more a claim about the syntactic realization of semantic properties, than about the properties<br />

themselves.<br />

8

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