Formal Approaches to Semantic Microvariation: Adverbial ...

More documents

Recommendations

Info

(63) J’ai beaucoup appelé de mères I have a lot called of mothers I therefore conclude that the Multiplicity of Objects requirement is a core property of the QAD construction, even if Event-Related readings of sentences with quantified noun phrases may sometimes obscure it for some speakers. 2.1.3.4 Summary of the Data In summary, I have argued that all syntactic and semantic analyses of the quantification at a distance construction in standard French need to account for its following properties: 1. Locality Constraints 2. Multiplicity of Events Requirement 3. Multiplicity of Objects Requirement 4. Scopal Inertia of de phrases, and their restricted distribution 5. Interference by degree predicates In section 2.2, I propose an analysis that accounts for these properties. 2.1.3.5 Appendix: Doetjes (1997) In this section, I present the analysis of QAD given in Doetjes (1997). In Doetjes’ framework, syntactic and semantic composition is driven by an large set of theta roles that lexical items must assign in order for the structure to be interpretable. These syntactic features are represented as positions inside the lexical item that need to be satisfied by other lexical items of an appropriate type. 46
She proposes that nouns contain two theta positions: < r > (for ‘referential’ cf. Williams (1981)), and < q > (for ‘quantity’ ). This < q > position can be ± scalar. The feature [+ scalar] is assigned based on whether a noun has culmulative reference. Therefore, singular count nouns are [− scalar]; whereas, plural and mass nouns are [+ scalar]. Since de phrases are also cumulative, Doetjes proposes that they contain a scalar < q > position that must be satisfied by an appropriate quantifier. In Doetjes’ system, the quantifiers that may satisfy a scalar < q > position are degree quantifiers like beaucoup. This is why beaucoup can satisfy the < q > position inside the de phrase in CQ sentences like J’ai lu beaucoup de livres. Doetjes proposes that verbs also have two theta positions: < e > (for ‘event’), and a < q > position. In sentences with a purely adverbial beaucoup, like J’ai beaucoup dormi ‘I slept a lot’, beaucoup satisfies the < q > position inside the verb. In a QAD sentence, Doetjes proposes that the < q > position of the de phrase is identified via a small clause with the < q > position of the verb. QAD sentences therefore have the structure in (64) (64) Doetjes (1997: 263, her (24)) VP DQ VP V SC NP AuxP AuxP PRED Evaluating Doetjes’ proposal from a formal semantic point of view is difficult: her 47
Page 1 and 2: UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
Page 3 and 4: 3.3.1 Split DPs in Old French . . .
Page 5 and 6: CHAPTER 1 Introduction This thesis
Page 7 and 8: concrete example of the contributio
Page 9 and 10: The thesis is organized as follows:
Page 11 and 12: As pointed out by Keenan & Westerst
Page 13 and 14: following definitions for beaucoup
Page 15 and 16: ‘I slept a lot’ b. Je suis beau
Page 17 and 18: (21) Let s 1 ∈ N such that 0 < s
Page 19 and 20: involves unreducible binary quantif
Page 21 and 22: dently, are islands for movement. A
Page 23 and 24: a. ...parce qu’une longue bibliog
Page 25 and 26: f. Elle a tellement applaudi que..
Page 27 and 28: 2.1.2.3 Multiplicity of Events Anot
Page 29 and 30: . Elle vient d’avoir beaucoup d
Page 31 and 32: ‘Jean has owned a lot of horses
Page 33 and 34: sis [i.e. movement analysis-H.B], s
Page 35 and 36: object. Other more complicated move
Page 37 and 38: Only the (internal) arguments of V
Page 39 and 40: Semantic incorporation has been pro
Page 41 and 42: Based on a study of the scope prope
Page 43 and 44: QAD sentences with multiple events
Page 45: . Quatre mille navires sont passés
Page 49 and 50: (Doetjes (1997: 271, her (40)) Seco
Page 51 and 52: As shown below, like souvent, rarem
Page 53 and 54: (79) a. J’ai rarement apprécié
Page 55 and 56: 2.2.1 The Unreducibility of BCP SF
Page 57 and 58: (where s = 1 or t = 1, and s or t =
Page 59 and 60: phrases in object position are comb
Page 61 and 62: . *J’ai beaucoup écrit ma thèse
Page 63 and 64: As mentioned above, a major problem
Page 65 and 66: She attributes this exceptional vio
Page 67 and 68: (106) Different students answered d
Page 69 and 70: (2) a. Dans cette cassette, il a be
Page 71 and 72: (10) J’ai beaucoup appelé de mè
Page 73 and 74: (16) Theorem 2: For all s ∈ N, BC
Page 75 and 76: BCP 1 s ({x : ∃e(Reading(e,I,x) &
Page 77 and 78: c. *Marie beaucoup a lu de livres M
Page 79 and 80: . la perte doit moult desplaire the
Page 81 and 82: (28) Peu portent fruit et assez fue
Page 83 and 84: ‘There are a lot of countries in
Page 85 and 86: The second argument that Split [+Te
Page 87 and 88: 3.3.3 Summary In the study of the e
Page 89 and 90: (40) J’ai beaucoup mangé de pomm
Page 91 and 92: (45) a. il confessa qu’il avoit b
Page 93 and 94: (1) pas ‘not’, point ‘not’,
Page 95 and 96: in this way to account for another
Page 97 and 98:
(10) is entirely true for Québec F
Page 99 and 100:
avoid confusion, I therefore re-nam
Page 101 and 102:
quantifiers Q ′ leads to the cons
Page 103 and 104:
and cannot combine with a one-place
Page 105 and 106:
As first noticed by Obenauer (1976)
Page 107 and 108:
4) The frequency adverb souvent ‘
Page 109 and 110:
Nevertheless, Rizzi and Obenauer’
Page 111 and 112:
forward: The polyadic elements comb
Page 113 and 114:
quantifiers in Québec French, I st
Page 115 and 116:
(Doetjes (2007)). (52) L’été pa
Page 117 and 118:
I proposed that the elements that l
Page 119 and 120:
BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, Marianne. 1987.
Page 121 and 122:
Doetjes, Jenny. 1997. Quantifiers a
Page 123 and 124:
Labelle, Marie and Daniel Valois. 2
Page 125:
Rowlett, Paul. 1996. Negative Confi
show all

Formal Approaches to Semantic Microvariation: Adverbial ...

Create successful ePaper yourself

Delete template?

Save as template?