Formal Approaches to Semantic Microvariation: Adverbial ...

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claims that the interference provided by verbs with degree arguments does not occur at all in QF. She gives the following examples of QAD sentences with psychological predicates. (18) a. ?Ce jeune peintre a beaucoup impressioné de connaisseurs this young painter has a lot impressed of connaisseurs ‘This young painter impressed a lot of connaiseurs b. ?On a trop regretté de décisions we have too regretted of decisions ‘We regretted too many decisions’ c. La situation à Oka a pas mal inquiété de citoyens the situation at Oka has not bad worried of citizens ‘The situation at Oka has worried a fair number of citizens’ She reports that, after consulting around 10 speakers, (18-c) was accepted by all of them, and (18-a) and (18-b) were accepted by the majority. 1 I claimed that interference effects from degree verbs in SF arose because a binary quantifier was trying to take a ternary relation as its argument. However, if, in QF, a unary quantifier can be merged high, after all the other arguments of the predicate are satisfied, then presence of a degree argument should not interfere. I therefore propose that, in QF, the adverb beaucoup has no polyadic extension: it is simply a type < 1 > quantifier that takes properties to truth values. However, the QF beaucoup has a large domain composed of properties of events and objects. (19) J’ai beaucoup lu de livres (Québec French) 1 Nevertheless, my inquiry into this issue suggests that the data may not be as clear cut as Cyr makes it out to be. 74
BCP 1 s ({x : ∃e(Reading(e,I,x) & Book(x))}) BCP 1 s {x : ∃e(Reading(e,I,x) & Book(x))} ∃ {< e,x >: Reading(e,I,x) & Book(x)} I {< y,e,x >: Reading(e,y,x) & Book(x)} {< x,y,e >: Reading(e,y,x)} {z: Book(z)} On the other hand, European French beaucoup has a binary extension to relations composed of pairs, but the unary adverb itself can only quantify over events. This new analysis of QF results in a rather unusual situation: beaucoup is in an adverbial position, but it’s quantifying over objects. Recall that QAD in both dialects is limited to those adnominal quantifiers that also double as eventive adverbs. Why would QAD be limited to adverbial quantifiers if beaucoup in a QAD structure is not semantically an eventive adverb? In the next section, I argue that this state of affairs is understandable if we consider the historical development of the Quantification at a Distance construction. 3.3 The Source of Dialectal Variation In this section, I propose that there is a historical answer for why beaucoup in Québec French can quantify over both events and objects, despite it being syntactically an adverb. In particular, I argue that the widening of the domain of beaucoup to include individuals was a result of the reanalysis of the adnominal determiner beaucoup, whose domain is properties of individuals, as an adverb in the Middle French period (MF: 75
Page 1 and 2:
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
Page 3 and 4:
3.3.1 Split DPs in Old French . . .
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CHAPTER 1 Introduction This thesis
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concrete example of the contributio
Page 9 and 10:
The thesis is organized as follows:
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As pointed out by Keenan & Westerst
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following definitions for beaucoup
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‘I slept a lot’ b. Je suis beau
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(21) Let s 1 ∈ N such that 0 < s
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involves unreducible binary quantif
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dently, are islands for movement. A
Page 23 and 24: a. ...parce qu’une longue bibliog
Page 25 and 26: f. Elle a tellement applaudi que..
Page 27 and 28: 2.1.2.3 Multiplicity of Events Anot
Page 29 and 30: . Elle vient d’avoir beaucoup d
Page 31 and 32: ‘Jean has owned a lot of horses
Page 33 and 34: sis [i.e. movement analysis-H.B], s
Page 35 and 36: object. Other more complicated move
Page 37 and 38: Only the (internal) arguments of V
Page 39 and 40: Semantic incorporation has been pro
Page 41 and 42: Based on a study of the scope prope
Page 43 and 44: QAD sentences with multiple events
Page 45 and 46: . Quatre mille navires sont passés
Page 47 and 48: She proposes that nouns contain two
Page 49 and 50: (Doetjes (1997: 271, her (40)) Seco
Page 51 and 52: As shown below, like souvent, rarem
Page 53 and 54: (79) a. J’ai rarement apprécié
Page 55 and 56: 2.2.1 The Unreducibility of BCP SF
Page 57 and 58: (where s = 1 or t = 1, and s or t =
Page 59 and 60: phrases in object position are comb
Page 61 and 62: . *J’ai beaucoup écrit ma thèse
Page 63 and 64: As mentioned above, a major problem
Page 65 and 66: She attributes this exceptional vio
Page 67 and 68: (106) Different students answered d
Page 69 and 70: (2) a. Dans cette cassette, il a be
Page 71 and 72: (10) J’ai beaucoup appelé de mè
Page 73: (16) Theorem 2: For all s ∈ N, BC
Page 77 and 78: c. *Marie beaucoup a lu de livres M
Page 79 and 80: . la perte doit moult desplaire the
Page 81 and 82: (28) Peu portent fruit et assez fue
Page 83 and 84: ‘There are a lot of countries in
Page 85 and 86: The second argument that Split [+Te
Page 87 and 88: 3.3.3 Summary In the study of the e
Page 89 and 90: (40) J’ai beaucoup mangé de pomm
Page 91 and 92: (45) a. il confessa qu’il avoit b
Page 93 and 94: (1) pas ‘not’, point ‘not’,
Page 95 and 96: in this way to account for another
Page 97 and 98: (10) is entirely true for Québec F
Page 99 and 100: avoid confusion, I therefore re-nam
Page 101 and 102: quantifiers Q ′ leads to the cons
Page 103 and 104: and cannot combine with a one-place
Page 105 and 106: As first noticed by Obenauer (1976)
Page 107 and 108: 4) The frequency adverb souvent ‘
Page 109 and 110: Nevertheless, Rizzi and Obenauer’
Page 111 and 112: forward: The polyadic elements comb
Page 113 and 114: quantifiers in Québec French, I st
Page 115 and 116: (Doetjes (2007)). (52) L’été pa
Page 117 and 118: I proposed that the elements that l
Page 119 and 120: BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, Marianne. 1987.
Page 121 and 122: Doetjes, Jenny. 1997. Quantifiers a
Page 123 and 124: Labelle, Marie and Daniel Valois. 2
Page 125:
Rowlett, Paul. 1996. Negative Confi
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